The 24/7 news cycle and the proliferation of blogs (blog) as a means of disseminating information (both factual and erroneous) framed the contest as both campaigns attempted to control the narrative. McCain's campaign tried to paint Obama as a naive, inexperienced political lightweight who would sit down with the leaders of anti-American regimes in Cuba, Iran, and Venezuela without preconditions, claimed that he was merely a celebrity with little substance (airing an ad comparing Obama to Britney Spears and Paris Hilton), labeled his ideas socialist (hammering away at Obama's tax policy in particular and pouncing on Obama's comment to “Joe the Plumber” that he would seek “spread the wealth”), and attacked his association with Bill Ayers, who had cofounded the Weathermen, a group that carried out bombings in the 1960s. Ayers, in 2008 a professor at the University of Illinois at Chicago—and constantly called an “unrepentant domestic terrorist” by the McCain campaign—lived a few blocks from Obama in Chicago, contributed to his reelection campaign for the Illinois Senate, and served on an antipoverty board with Obama from 1999 to 2002. Obama downplayed his acquaintance with Ayers and denounced Ayers's activities as “detestable” but was quick to note that these activities had occurred 40 years ago when the candidate was eight years old. In addition, on the basis of e-mails and other assertions never proved, a small but still significant percentage of the public erroneously believed Obama (a practicing Christian) to be a Muslim. To defend against the attacks, Obama's campaign took the unprecedented step of establishing a Web site, “Fight the Smears,” to “fight back against ‘hateful,' ‘vicious,' and ‘desperate' robocalls and mailers.” In turn, Obama's campaign attempted to cast doubt on McCain's maverick persona and diminish his appeal to independent voters by tying him at every opportunity to Pres. George W. Bush (Bush, George W.), whose popularity was among the lowest of any modern president, and broadcasting ads that showed the two in embrace and often repeating that McCain voted with the Bush administration 90 percent of the time. The Obama campaign also sought to frame McCain as “erratic,” a charge that was often repeated and that some alleged was an oblique reference to McCain's age, as he would be the oldest person ever to be inaugurated to a first term as president.

The fall campaign was also conducted against the backdrop of a financial crisis that gripped the country in September, when world markets suffered heavy losses, severely hitting the retirement savings of many Americans and pushing the economy to the top of voters' concerns, far outdistancing the war in Iraq (Iraq War) and the war on terrorism. From September 19 to October 10, the Dow Jones Industrial Average dropped 26 percent, from 11,388 to 8,451. At the same time, there was a severe contraction of liquidity in credit markets worldwide, caused in part by the subprime mortgage crisis, which resulted in the U.S. government's providing emergency loans to several American firms and the bankruptcy or sale of several major financial institutions. The U.S. economic and political establishment reacted by passing (after an unsuccessful first attempt) the Emergency Economic Stabilization Act (Emergency Economic Stabilization Act of 2008), which sought to prevent further collapse and to bailout the economy.

The effect of the economic crisis was dramatic, turning a small McCain-Palin lead in the polls in early September into a steady Obama-Biden lead. Obama's lead was further supported by his performance in the three presidential debates, with polls indicating that he was the winner of all three. In both the debates and his response to the financial crisis, Obama scored points with the public for his steadiness and coolness (characterized as aloofness by his critics). Whereas McCain announced the suspension of his campaign for a few days in September to return to Washington, D.C., to address the financial crisis and suggested that the first debate be postponed, Obama played more of a behind-the-scenes role and insisted that the debate take place, saying “It is going to be part of the president's job to deal with more than one thing at once.” Obama was also aided by his decision to opt out of the federal financing system, which would have limited his campaign to $84 million in spending. The McCain campaign criticized this decision, citing a questionnaire Obama filled out in 2007 in which he pledged to stay within the public financing system; however, Obama defended the decision, arguing that in the same document he called for a plan that would require “both major party candidates to agree on a fundraising truce, return excess money from donors, and stay within the public financing system for the general election” and that if he won the Democratic nomination he would “aggressively pursue an agreement with the Republican nominee to preserve a publicly financed general election.” The Obama campaign's decision paid off, as it attracted more than three million donors and raised an astounding $150 million in the month of September alone, enabling the campaign to outspend the McCain campaign by significant margins in the battleground states and to purchase 30 minutes of prime-time television six days prior to the election (more than 33 million Americans watched the Obama infomercial).

The campaign generated enormous enthusiasm, with millions of new registrants joining the voting rolls (though the McCain campaign alleged that many of these were registered illegally, after allegations surfaced that several employees hired by ACORN, an interest group that lobbies on behalf of lower-income families, had submitted falsified registrations). McCain hosted numerous townhall meetings (a format in which he excelled) throughout the country, in which attendees could question the candidate; however, some of these meetings came under media scrutiny when some audience members became heated in their criticism of Obama. Obama rallies consistently attracted large crowds—including some 100,000 at a rally in St. Louis, Mo., in mid-October—and tens of thousands often came out to see Palin on the stump (the campaign had provided only limited access to Palin for the media). Although some commentators, including conservative ones, questioned her readiness for the vice presidency and presidency, she proved enormously popular: a record 70 million Americans tuned into the vice presidential debate, and her appearance on Saturday Night Live, whose Tina Fey (Fey, Tina) had lampooned her several times previously, drew the show's highest ratings for 14 years.

The 2008 primary campaign was also historic. On the Democratic side, the field narrowed quickly to pit Barack Obama (Obama, Barack) against Hillary Clinton (Clinton, Hillary Rodham). Both candidates were seeking to become presidential “firsts”—Obama the first African American president and Clinton the first woman president. A sometimes bitter contest between Obama and Clinton produced the narrowest of victories for Obama. The Republican campaign produced a surprising winner, John McCain (McCain, John). Many pundits had written off McCain during the summer of 2007, as his campaign was faltering, while many others had anointed Rudy Giuliani (Giuliani, Rudolph W.) as the front-runner. But Giuliani failed to capture a single state in the primaries, and McCain went on to defeat strong challenges from Mitt Romney (Romney, Mitt) and Mike Huckabee (Huckabee, Mike) easily.

This section contains links to Britannica articles that provide background on the presidency.

The following article was written by Allan J. Lichtman, a professor of history at American University in Washington, D.C., and the author of The Keys to the White House. For his assessment of the 2008 election, see his 2007 blog post (http://www.britannica.com/blogs/2007/10/the-13-keys-to-the-white-house-why-the-democrats-will-win/) at the Britannica Blog.

The Keys to the White House are a historically based prediction system that retrospectively has accounted for the popular-vote winners of every U.S. presidential election from 1860 to 1980 and prospectively has forecast the popular-vote winners of the presidential elections thereafter. The Keys are based on the theory that presidential election results are referenda on the performance of the party controlling the White House. Campaigning by challenging or incumbent-party candidates has little or no impact on results. Rather, a pragmatic American electorate chooses a president based on the consequential events and episodes of a term, such as economic boom and bust, foreign policy successes and failures, social unrest, scandal, and policy innovation.

If the country fares well during the term of the incumbent party, that party wins another four years in office; otherwise, the challenging party prevails. According to the Keys model, nothing that a candidate has said or done during a campaign, when the public discounts conventional electioneering as political spin, has changed that candidate's prospects at the polls. Debates, advertising, television appearances, news coverage, and campaign strategies count for virtually nothing on election day.

Unlike other forecasting models, the Keys are not based on a fixed numerical relationship between the percentage of votes won by candidates and factors such as economic growth rates and presidential approval ratings in public opinion polls. Each Key is equally weighted, and any combination of six negative Keys is sufficient to predict the defeat of the party controlling the White House. The Keys include no polling data and do not presume that voters are driven by economic concerns alone. The Keys model incorporates a wide-ranging assessment of presidential performance and tracks the prospects for the incumbent party throughout the course of the presidential term.

The model correctly predicted the popular-vote winner of every presidential election between 1984 and 2004. The Keys anticipated Vice Pres. George H.W. Bush's victory in the spring of 1988 when he trailed Michael S. Dukakis by nearly 20 percent in the polls and was being written off by the pundits. The Keys predicted, in April 2003, Pres. George W. Bush's reelection victory in November 2004—an election contest that pollsters found too close to call right up to election eve.

As a nationally based system, the Keys cannot diagnose the results in individual states and thus are attuned only to the popular vote. In three elections since 1860, where the popular vote diverged from the electoral college tally—1876, 1888, and 2000—the Keys accurately predicted the popular-vote winner.

The Keys have implications for American history and politics.

Note: Rudy Giuliani, John McCain, and Fred Thompson did not contest the poll.

Source: CNN.

Note: Michigan initially was stripped of its Democratic delegates to the national convention because its primary was held outside the approved timetable of the Democratic National Committee. Barack Obama and John Edwards were not on the Michigan Democratic ballot. The Democratic National Committee's Rules Committee later restored Michigan's delegates and split them 69 for Clinton and 63 for Obama; each delegate would receive only a half vote at the national convention.

Note: Florida initially was stripped of its Democratic delegates to the national convention because its primary was held outside the approved timetable of the Democratic National Committee. The Democratic National Committee's Rules Committee later restored Florida's delegates and split them 105 for Clinton and 69 for Obama; each delegate would receive only a half vote at the national convention.

The following account, by David C. Beckwith, Vice President of the National Cable Television Association, originally appeared in the Britannica Book of the Year (2005).

As the year began, former Vermont governor Howard Dean was the front-runner for the Democratic nomination, but he faded rapidly, in part because some party leaders thought he was too liberal to defeat a wartime president. Dean was knocked out in the first major event, the January 19 Iowa caucuses. Dean fielded thousands of volunteer workers nationwide but finished with only 18% of the caucus vote, compared with 32% for first-term Sen. John Edwards (Edwards, John) of North Carolina and 38% for Kerry. Dean sealed his fate that evening, capping a defiant address to a raucous crowd of supporters with a primal yell in what became known as the “I Have a Scream” speech.

The president's reelection strategy was overseen by Karl Rove (Rove, Karl), a canny longtime Bush aide from Texas. Bush pointed to significant domestic accomplishments during his first term: a major tax reduction, prescription-drug assistance for seniors, an expansion of federal assistance to public schools, and a real if less-than-robust recovery from the 2001 recession. In contrast to Kerry, Bush also endorsed a constitutional amendment banning same-sex marriage, which energized religious and conservative voters.

Kerry faulted the administration's health and education spending records as puny, vowed to raise taxes on the wealthiest Americans to finance a more muscular expansion, and taunted Bush repeatedly as the first president since Herbert Hoover to preside over a net loss of jobs during his term.

The central campaign issue was Bush's response to the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks (September 11 attacks), an aggressive approach that split the country virtually down the middle. Bush claimed the strategy was working and promised continuity. Kerry's position was critical of Bush and more nuanced.

Kerry had been launched into politics by his opposition to the Vietnam War in the early 1970s. As a U.S. senator, he had voted against the 1991 Gulf War, for the resolution authorizing the 2003 U.S.-led invasion of Iraq (Iraq War), but against an appropriation bill funding Iraq's occupation and rebuilding. At one point, attempting to explain, he noted that he had voted both for and against that funding bill—playing into Bush campaign charges that Kerry was an inveterate “flip-flopper.”

Many of his supporters opposed the Iraq incursion, but a majority of Americans favoured tough antiterrorism policies, so Kerry walked a narrow ledge. His campaign settled on a strategy: Kerry would underscore his decorated 1968–69 service as a navy lieutenant in Vietnam, background that contrasted favourably with President Bush's service in the Texas Air National Guard, to demonstrate that Kerry had superior qualifications to be in charge during perilous times.

The late July Democratic convention in Boston became a paean to Kerry's role in Vietnam. Kerry traveled accompanied by his “band of brothers,” shipmates from his Vietnam experience. As he strode on stage to accept the nomination, Kerry saluted and said, “I'm John Kerry, and I'm reporting for duty.”

In early August, as Kerry nursed a small lead in public opinion polls, a new ad-hoc group, Swift Boat Veterans for Truth, composed of navy officers who had also served in Vietnam, produced anti-Kerry television ads in three states. The commercials challenged Kerry's account of his medal-winning experiences and blasted his later antiwar activism as disloyalty to his comrades in arms. Many major news outlets were slow to cover the Swift Boaters, but conservative Internet “bloggers,” writers of so-called Web logs, helped whip up attention to their claims.

This was the first election contested under the 2002 McCain-Feingold campaign-finance-reform legislation designed to reduce the role of money in politics. The law made “soft-money” contributions from corporations and unions to party organizations illegal but opened the door to “527” groups such as the Swift Boaters operating independently of the campaign. By one estimate total election spending increased by nearly a third, to $3.9 billion, since 2000. Democratic-oriented groups were far quicker to organize under the new rules, and 527s poured about $400 million into the race, helping Democrats overcome a marked Republican-funding advantage.

By late August, when Republicans gathered in New York City for their convention, Bush had regained a significant polling lead. Moderate Republican stars, including California Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger (Schwarzenegger, Arnold) and former New York City mayor Rudy Giuliani (Giuliani, Rudolph W.), and disaffected Democrats such as U.S. Sen. Zell Miller of Georgia, extolled Bush's conduct of the war on terrorism and attacked Kerry's leadership ability.

Kerry's campaign floundered under the assault, and Bush seemed headed to a comfortable victory—until the two candidates met on September 30 in Miami, Fla., for the first of three debates. Bush's aides had insisted that the first debate cover foreign policy, thought to be Bush's strong suit. The strategy backfired when Bush appeared on the defensive, finding it difficult to explain his positions and often repeating himself. Of the war on terrorism, Bush said some version of “It's hard work” on 11 occasions. Kerry, by contrast, spoke smoothly and authoritatively and, for the first time, emerged as a plausible alternative.

Within days Bush's lead had almost entirely evaporated. The two candidates spent the final campaign weeks fighting in 14 “battleground” states, with imperceptible movement in the polls. Bush stepped up his game markedly in the second and third debates and thereby halted his slide in the polls and stabilized the race. Potential voters in the 14 battlegrounds were bombarded with repeated candidate visits, saturation media advertising, and multiple phone calls and mail from both campaigns and allied groups.

To all indications the country was heading toward a second consecutive 50–50 election, and both sides moved in the final days to turn out their voters. Kerry's operation, aided significantly by 527s such as America Coming Together, used a small army of paid staffers to register new voters, identify sympathizers, and get them to the polls. Bush's campaign was more centralized, relying heavily on volunteers who worked their own neighbourhoods to identify and turn out Republican voters.

Of the most closely watched battlegrounds, Pennsylvania went to Kerry by a small but comfortable margin. Florida, well organized by Gov. Jeb Bush, the president's brother, went clearly for the incumbent. That left Ohio, ordinarily GOP-leaning but hard hit by manufacturing job losses, as the decisive major swing state. Shortly after midnight it appeared that Ohio belonged to Bush by about 135,000 votes—but tens of thousands of “provisional ballots” cast by voters whose registration was in question made the results “within the margin of litigation.” As most voters went to bed, it appeared possible the election would again be decided only after court battles. By Wednesday morning, however, the Bush advantage appeared insurmountable, and Kerry delivered a gracious concession speech.

In the end Kerry and allies were wildly successful in turning out voters to oppose Bush. The Democrat won 57.3 million votes, nearly 7 million more than Gore in 2000 and significantly more than any previous presidential candidate of either party in U.S. history. Nonetheless, Kerry received only 48% of the vote; it was the seventh consecutive presidential election in which the Democratic candidate had failed to top 50%.

The GOP turnout effort was even better. Targeting infrequent voters in suburban, exurban, and rural areas, Bush attracted 60.6 million votes, some 10.2 million more than he had earned in 2000, a 51% share of the electorate. The 120.3 million total votes was nearly 15 million more than in 2000. Bush's margin of victory, while narrow in a reelection contest, was larger than predicted by public opinion polls.

In another unusual result, the incumbent's party added seats in both houses of Congress, increasing the number of Republican U.S. senators from 51 to 55. Bush had surprised many analysts by pursuing an aggressive agenda following his narrow 2000 win. At year's end Bush reshuffled his cabinet, replacing 9 of its 15 members, and again claimed a mandate for an activist agenda, including self-sustaining private accounts in social security, reform of the income-tax system, and staying the course in Iraq.