Poland, flag ofcountry of central Europe. Poland is located at a geographic crossroads that links the forested lands of northwestern Europe to the sea lanes of the Atlantic Ocean and the fertile plains of the Eurasian frontier. Now bounded by seven nations, Poland has waxed and waned over the centuries, buffeted by the forces of regional history. In the early Middle Ages, Poland's small principalities and townships were subjugated by successive waves of invaders, from Germans and Balts to Mongols. In the mid-1500s, united Poland was the largest state in Europe and perhaps the continent's most powerful nation. Yet two and a half centuries later, during the Partitions of Poland (1772–1918), it disappeared, parceled out among the contending empires of Russia, Prussia, and Austria.

I came to the paradoxical conclusion that some workers had it much easier in the Polish People's Republic. They didn't have to pretend. They didn't have to be polite if they didn't feel like it. They didn't have to suppress their exhaustion, boredom, irritation. They didn't have to conceal their lack of interest in other people's problems. They didn't have to pretend that their back wasn't killing them when their back was in fact killing them. If they worked in a store, they didn't have to try to get their customers to buy things, since the products always vanished before the lines did.

Poland lies at the physical centre of the European continent, approximately between latitudes 49° and 55° N and longitudes 14° and 24° E. Irregularly circular in shape, it is bordered to the north by the Baltic Sea, to the northeast by Russia and Lithuania, and to the east by Belarus and Ukraine. To the south the border follows the watershed of the Beskid (Beskidy), Carpathian (Carpathian Mountains) (Karpaty), and Sudeten (Sudety) mountains, which separate Poland from Slovakia and the Czech Republic, while to the west the Neisse (Nysa Łużycka) and Oder (Odra) rivers define the border with Germany. Its current frontiers, stretching for 2,198 miles (3,538 km), were drawn in 1945. Except for its southern mountainous regions, the country consists almost entirely of lowlands within the North European Plain.

In the southern part of the country, by contrast, older and more diverse geologic formations are exposed. The mountainous arc of the Carpathians (Carpathian Mountains), dating from the mountain-building Tertiary Period (about 65 to 1.8 million years ago), dominates the topography. Around the northern rim of the Carpathians lie a series of structural basins, separating the mountain belt proper from a much older structural mass, or foreland, that appears in the relief patterns of the region as the Bohemian Massif, the Sudeten, and the Little Poland Uplands (Wyżyna Małopolska).

Virtually the entire area of Poland drains to the Baltic Sea, about half via the Vistula River and a third via the Oder River. Polish rivers experience two periods of high water each year. In spring, melted snow swells the lowland rivers. The presence of ice dams (which block the rivers for one to three months) and the fact that the thaw first strikes the upper reaches of the northward-flowing rivers intensify the effect. The summer rains bring a second maximum about the beginning of July.

The country's major rivers remain badly polluted by industrial and urban effluents, and Poland's cities and larger towns are major sources of pollution. Much higher levels of respiratory disease, abnormal pregnancy, and infant mortality have been reported in areas of environmental degradation. Pollution has also reduced crop yields and adversely affected tree growth in many of the forests in the Sudeten and western Carpathians.

Warsaw is the largest city in Poland, with a population twice that of Łódź, the next most populous city. Warsaw consists of a small historic core on the west bank of the Vistula River. Virtually destroyed by German Nazis during the Warsaw Uprising in August 1944, it was largely restored. This area comprises both the medieval town—Old Town (Stare Miasto)—and its 18th-century suburbs—New Town (Nowe Miasto) to the north and Krakowskie Przedmieście to the south. About 85 percent of the city's buildings, including many of those in the core, were left in ruins during World War II; much of the city therefore dates from the period since 1950. The Palace of Culture and Science, a skyscraper built in the Soviet style in the 1950s, still dominates the skyline. Many of Warsaw's inhabitants live in large unattractive blocks of flats that were built around the edge of the city in the 1960s and '70s. In the 1990s downtown Warsaw experienced a construction boom as several high-rise hotels and office buildings were added to its skyline at the same time that many single-family houses and villas were erected in the suburbs.

emigration was a permanent feature of Polish life for most of the 19th and 20th centuries, and roughly one Pole in three lives abroad. Wave after wave of political émigrés has left Poland since the mid-18th century. By far the greatest numbers of people left, however, for economic reasons. Starting in the mid-19th century, Polish emigrants moved into the new industrial areas of Europe and later to the United States and Canada.

Before World War II, Poland was a free-market economy based largely upon agriculture but with a few important centres of manufacturing and mining. After the initiation of communist rule in the 1940s, the country developed an increasingly industrial, state-run command economy based on the Soviet model. It operated within the rigid framework of Comecon (Council on Mutual Economic Assistance), an organization of Eastern-bloc countries dominated by the Soviet Union.

Polish agriculture was unique in the Soviet bloc in that private farms accounted for most of total output. Most of those private farms continue to be smaller than 12 acres (5 hectares). In postcommunist Poland farm incomes declined rapidly in real terms as the prices of industrial products rose, and imported processed foods from western Europe competed strongly with lower-quality Polish products. Many state farms collapsed after 1989, as did the system of state purchase upon which much of the private sector had relied. Throughout the 1990s the percentage of people employed in agriculture declined each year, owing in part to the liquidation of state farms, the aging of agricultural workers, and the drought of the early 1990s.

Poland is relatively well endowed with natural resources. Its principal mineral asset is bituminous coal, although brown coal is mined as well. Most of the bituminous output is derived from the rich Upper Silesian coalfield. During the late 20th century, however, extraction costs in many mines began to exceed profits. Falling prices and the challenges of privatization have slowed production levels. Other fuel resources include small amounts of petroleum and moderately large deposits of natural gas.

The culture of Poland has been nurtured by a great variety of folk traditions, with influences and borrowings from France, Scandinavia, Russia, and, more recently, the United States. Poland's strong connections to the Roman Catholic Church, dating to the 10th century, brought it into close orbit with western Europe. This gave Poland access to cultural developments that had a lesser impact on some of its neighbours. Unlike Russia, Poland was deeply immersed in all the great movements of Western culture—such as humanism, the Renaissance, the Reformation, the Enlightenment, and Romanticism—and its cultural identity was already strong before the series of partitions of Polish territory began in 1772. Because of its loss of political independence, Poland in the 19th and 20th centuries was characterized by an unrelenting struggle to preserve its national culture and values from foreign impositions and government policy.

Polish literature developed long ago into the main vehicle of national expression. For many Poles, literature and religion stand as the twin pillars of their heritage. Literature provides one of their most cherished links with Western civilization and is one of the main safeguards of their national identity. The close relationship between local political events and literary trends, however, together with a necessary resort to elaborate allegories, allusions, and symbols during the communist period, rendered many excellent Polish works inaccessible to the foreign public.

The first half of the 19th century produced the three most renowned Polish poets: Adam Mickiewicz (Mickiewicz, Adam), Juliusz Słowacki (Słowacki, Juliusz), and Zygmunt Krasiński (Krasiński, Zygmunt). During the second half of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century, great Polish prose writers—including Bolesław Prus (Prus, Bolesław), Eliza Orzeszkowa (Orzeszkowa, Eliza), Stefan Żeromski (Żeromski, Stefan), and the Nobel Prize winners Henryk Sienkiewicz (Sienkiewicz, Henryk) (1905) and Władysław Reymont (Reymont, Władysław Stanisław) (1924)—were active, some of whom were part of the Young Poland movement. To this number should be added the outstanding novelist Joseph Conrad (Conrad, Joseph) (Józef Teodor Konrad Korzeniowski), whose mature writings were in English but who brought a distinctly non-English tragic sensibility into English literature. The underground literature that began during World War II but was not appreciated until the 1950s and '60s is exemplified by the reception accorded Bruno Schulz, a short-story writer killed by the Nazis in 1942. Important poets of the postwar period included Zbigniew Herbert (Herbert, Zbigniew), Tadeusz Różewicz (Różewicz, Tadeusz), and the Nobel Prize winners Czesław Miłosz (Miłosz, Czesław) (1980) and Wisława Szymborska (Szymborska, Wisława) (1996). In the latter part of the 20th century, playwrights Witold Gombrowicz (Gombrowicz, Witold) and Sławomir Mrożek (Mrożek, Sławomir), science-fiction author Stanisław Lem (Lem, Stanisław), and reporter and essayist Ryszard Kapuściński earned international reputations, as did the expatriate novelist Jerzy Kosinski (Kosinski, Jerzy), and the expatriate Nowa fala (New Wave) poet Adam Zagajewski gained notice. Written at the margins of Europe during most of the 20th century, Polish literature has been recognized as an exceptionally vital force not only in the cultural life of its nation but also in world letters generally. (For further discussion, see Polish literature.)

Polish music, like Polish literature, has a continuous tradition reaching back to the Middle Ages. As the least overtly political of the arts, it suffered less from official constraints. The native characteristics of this music founded on the inimitable rhythms and melodies of folk music—the krakowiak, mazurka, and polonaise—developed early, and a distinctive school of Polish church music had become well established by the Renaissance. The first major Polish opera, Cud mniemany, czyli Krakowiacy i Górale (“The Pretended Miracle, or Krakovians and Highlanders”) by Jan Stefani and Wojciech Bogusławski (Bogusławski, Wojciech), was staged in 1794. In the 19th century Stanisław Moniuszko wrote a series of popular operas, including Halka, Straszny dwór (“The Haunted Manor”), and Hrabina (“The Countess”).

Frédéric Chopin (Chopin, Frédéric) is considered to have created the quintessence of Polishness in music. In addition to his renown as one of the supreme master composers, he was the first of a constant stream of instrumentalists from Polish lands who have won international acclaim. Pianists such as Ignacy Paderewski (Paderewski, Ignacy Jan) and Artur Rubinstein (Rubinstein, Artur) and violinists such as Henryk Szeryng (Szeryng, Henryk) attest to the vitality of Polish musical life. Contemporary Polish composition has been dominated by Karol Szymanowski (Szymanowski, Karol), Witold Lutosławski (Lutosławski, Witold), Henryk Górecki, and Krzysztof Penderecki (Penderecki, Krzysztof). All branches of classical music—opera, symphony, chamber, and choral—are well represented in Poland, and several orchestras and choirs appear regularly on the international circuit. Popular music in Poland derives largely from Western styles, although Polish jazz, officially suppressed during the first two decades of communist rule, has earned a reputation for experiment and excellence, in part owing to the pioneering work of musicians such as Michał Urbaniak, Tomasz Stanko, and Leszek Możdżer. Well-attended festivals such as the Warsaw Jazz Jamboree and Jazz on the Oder draw performers and spectators from around the world.

Many fine examples of medieval Romanesque (Romanesque art) and Gothic (Gothic art) architecture, both secular and religious, have been preserved, together with outstanding sculptures, among which the wooden altar of Veit Stoss (Stoss, Veit) (Wit Stwosz), in St. Mary's Church (Kościół Mariacki) in Kraków, is the most famous. The vast red-brick castle of Malbork (Marienburg), once the headquarters of the Teutonic Knights (Teutonic Order), is among the most impressive in Europe; the well-restored castle was named a World Heritage site by UNESCO in 1997. The architecture and sculpture of the Renaissance and Baroque periods were formed under Italian influence but nevertheless developed individual Polish forms, as seen in the town hall of Poznań or the decorated granaries at Kazimierz Dolny. Zamość, a model Renaissance city built in the 1580s, has survived virtually intact. Like the medieval town of Toruń, it was designated a World Heritage site. The best-preserved urban architecture of the late Middle Ages and Renaissance is that of the Old Town and the Wawel Castle in Kraków. The classicism of the end of the 18th century and the beginning of the 19th century left its most valuable monuments in some of the great palaces, such as that of the Radziwiłłs at Nieborów or at Łazienki in Warsaw. Moreover, there are many examples of imperial German and Russian architecture from the 19th century, notably Lublin Castle.

The origins of Polish cinema date to 1909. The communist government supported war films and themes connected with the Nazi occupation but allowed and subsidized projects on a wide range of contemporary issues. Many artists critical of the communist regime expressed themselves in innovative documentary films. Historical epics have also enjoyed great popularity. During the late 1950s Polish films began to attract worldwide attention. Just as the State Film School at Łódź earned high standing in the filmmaking profession, so did the work of individual directors who broke free of official preferences. Undoubtedly, the leading figure was Andrzej Wajda (Wajda, Andrzej), whose films and theatre productions set precedents for independence and excellence in exploring the conflicts in Polish society. Roman Polanski (Polanski, Roman), who worked internationally, won an Academy Award for his direction of The Pianist (2002). Krzysztof Kieślowski (Kieślowski, Krzysztof), known for his trilogy of films, Trzy kolory (“Three Colours”), also worked outside Poland. Among other distinguished directors are Andrzej Munk, Aleksander Ford, Tadeusz Konwicki (Konwicki, Tadeusz), Wojciech Has, Jerzy Kawalerowicz, Krzysztof Zanussi, and Agnieszka Holland.

The terms Poland and Poles appear for the first time in medieval chronicles of the late 10th century. The land that the Poles, a West Slavic people, came to inhabit was covered by forests with small areas under cultivation where clans grouped themselves into numerous tribes. The dukes (dux) were originally the commanders of an armed retinue (drużyna) with which they broke the authority of the chieftains of the clans, thus transforming the original tribal organization into a territorial unit. Two tribes, the Polanie—based around the fortified settlement (castrum) of Gniezno—and the Wiślanie—who lived near Kraków—expanded to bring other tribes under their control.

The virtual collapse of the state under Bolesław's son Mieszko II (Mieszko II Lambert), who was even obliged to renounce his kingly status, showed how much the political fortunes of a state were bound to the personality of its ruler. Mieszko's successor, Casimir I, had to flee the country, which was torn by internal strife. A pagan reaction against Christianity combined with revolt against fiscal and administrative burdens to bring about a popular uprising. Casimir had to be restored by the emperor, Conrad II, who wished to preserve a balance of power in the region. Known later as “the Restorer,” Casimir eventually succeeded in bringing under his sway most of the Polish lands, reviving the ecclesiastical organization, and making Kraków his capital instead of Gniezno or Poznań, which had been devastated by the Czechs.

Casimir's son and successor, Bolesław II (the Bold), sought to revive the great power designs of the first Bolesław. Skillfully exploiting the great Investiture Controversy between the empire and the papacy that affected most of Europe, Bolesław II sided with Rome and gained the royal crown in 1076. Bolesław was later drawn into a conflict with Stanislaus (Stanislaus of Kraków, Saint) (Stanisław), the bishop of Kraków, whom the king ordered killed in 1079 under circumstances still debated by historians. Bolesław then fled to Hungary, where he died. The cult of St. Stanislaus (Stanislaus of Kraków, Saint), who was canonized in 1253, became widespread in Poland and was invoked to defend the freedom of religion against the state and ethics against power.

In the late 13th century, Bohemia emerged as the leading country in east-central Europe, and King Otakar II (Přemysl Otakar II) even tried to gain the imperial crown. His son Wenceslas II profited from the chaos prevailing in the Polish duchies—a bid for unification by Przemysł II of Great Poland (crowned king in 1295) was cut short by his assassination—to become king of Poland in 1300. Establishing an administration based on provincial royal officials (starosta)—a permanent feature of Polish administration in the centuries to come—he temporarily pacified the country. Wenceslas's grandiose plans to rule all of east-central Europe ended with his death in 1305, which was followed a year later by the assassination of his son Wenceslas III. This meant the end of the native Czech Přemyslid dynasty, and John of Luxembourg (John) claimed the thrones of Bohemia and Poland. His pursuit of the latter was opposed by one of the minor dukes, Władysław the Short (Władysław I), who had earlier battled the two Wenceslases and their supporters. Allying himself with the new king of Hungary, Charles I, Władysław withstood the enmity of Bohemia, the Teutonic Knights, rival Polish dukes, and the mainly German patriciate of Kraków. At one point the struggle assumed the character of a Polish-German national conflict.

Władysław was crowned king of Poland in 1320, but he no longer controlled Silesia—whose dukes opted for John and which henceforth came under the Bohemian crown—and the Teutonic Knights seized Eastern Pomerania. The massacre the Knights perpetrated in Gdańsk in 1308 entered Polish folklore. Thus, the reunited Polish kingdom was deprived of two of its most developed provinces—Silesian Wrocław then had some 20,000 inhabitants—and was effectively cut off from the Baltic Sea. Cooperating closely with Hungary, Władysław sought unsuccessfully to regain Pomerania through lawsuits and papal arbitration, but the Knights ignored the verdicts. A major battle with the invading Knights fought at Płowce in 1331 was a Pyrrhic victory for Władysław.

After Louis's death the lords of Little Poland selected his younger daughter, Jadwiga (Hungarian: Hedvig), over her sister Maria (the wife of King Sigismund of Hungary). Preventing Jadwiga's marriage to Wilhelm Habsburg, the lords chose for her husband Władysław II Jagiełło (Lithuanian: Jogaila (Władysław II Jagiełło)), the grand duke of Lithuania (Lithuania, grand duchy of). This momentous act opened a new chapter in Polish history by linking the relatively small kingdom with a huge and heterogeneous Lithuania (Lithuania, grand duchy of), which then comprised most of Ukraine and Belarus. The threat posed by the Teutonic Knights to both Poland and Lithuania, and the aspiration of the Poles to achieve status as a great power, figured prominently in the calculations. The church and Jadwiga, who was later beatified, attached great importance to the extension of Christianity. The prospects of opening vast regions in the east for trade and settlement appealed to the lords and merchants of Kraków. In 1385 the negotiations were finalized through the Union of Krewo. Jagiełło accepted Roman Catholicism for himself and Lithuania proper—the other duchies were already Christian (Eastern Orthodox)—and promised to join (applicare) his Lithuanian and Ruthenian lands to the Polish crown. He became the king of Poland under the name of Władysław II Jagiełło upon marrying Jadwiga, with whom he at first ruled jointly.

Under the last two Jagiellonians, Poland reached its apogee. The king was the source of law (usually in tandem with the Sejm, though some decrees did not require the Sejm's assent), supreme judge, chief executive, and supreme commander, free to declare war and peace. He ruled Lithuania as a hereditary domain. Royal administration was quite effective, and Casimir's youngest son, Sigismund the Old (Sigismund I) (reigned 1506–48), tried to improve the nation's finances and taxation. An inadequate financial base and an undersized standing army limited the actual power of the king.

Domestic politics under Sigismund—and even more so under his son and successor, Sigismund II Augustus (reigned 1548–72)—centred on a contest between the fast-growing magnate oligarchy and the dynamic gentry, with the rulers generally favouring the former. The option of relying on the burghers, as was done by western European rulers, was not available because the towns (Gdańsk and some Royal Prussian towns excepted) allowed themselves to be eliminated from political struggles. The reformers among the lesser nobles (aristocracy) focused on the program of the “execution” (enforcement) of laws that prohibited the transfer of crown lands and the accumulation of offices that profited the oligarchy. Wishing to emancipate itself from the magnates' political tutelage, the gentry strove for real partnership in government.

Polish culture, highly praised by Desiderius Erasmus (Erasmus, Desiderius) of Rotterdam, continued to flourish. Renaissance art and architecture, promoted by Sigismund I's wife Bona Sforza, became the style for numerous churches and castles. From Kraków University came Nicolaus Copernicus (Copernicus, Nicolaus), who revolutionized astronomical concepts. After 1513 a large number of books were printed in Polish, including translations of the Bible. During the 16th century the writings of Mikołaj Rej, the father of Polish literature, and of the great poet Jan Kochanowski (Kochanowski, Jan) helped establish the period as the golden age of Polish literature. The Renaissance and the Reformation had a major impact on Lithuania, marking its absorption into western European culture.

The dual Polish-Lithuanian state, Respublica, or “Commonwealth” (Polish: Rzeczpospolita), was one of the largest states in Europe. While Poland in the mid-16th century occupied an area of about 100,000 square miles (260,000 square km), with some 3.5 million inhabitants, the Commonwealth at its largest point in the early 17th century comprised nearly 400,000 square miles and some 11 million inhabitants. As such, it was a multiethnic country inhabited by Poles, Lithuanians, Ruthenians (Ruthenian), Germans, Jews, and small numbers of Tatars, Armenians, and Scots. It was also a multifaith country, with Roman Catholics, Protestants, Eastern Orthodox, Jews, and Muslims living within its boundaries. Certain communities lived under their own laws; the Jews, for example, enjoyed self-administration through the Council of the Four Lands.

In 1576 the prince of Transylvania, Stephen Báthory (Stefan Batory), became king. A brilliant soldier, he closely cooperated with Jan Zamoyski (Zamoyski, Jan), chancellor of the Crown and grand hetman (commander in chief). The most spectacular achievement of Báthory's reign was a series of military victories (1579–81) over Ivan the Terrible of Russia. Yet it is likely that the king's eastern policies were inspired by the ultimate goal of liberation of Hungary, which was not necessarily a Polish concern.

The long reign of his successor, Sigismund III Vasa (1587–1632), raised hopes of a union with Sweden (Vasa, House of) that would strengthen Poland's standing in the north. Sigismund was the grandson of the legendary Swedish ruler Gustav I Vasa, but, as an ardent Roman Catholic and champion of the Counter-Reformation, he was unable to hold on to the crown of Lutheran Sweden, and a 10-year succession struggle ensued. His attempts to secure the throne involved Poland in a series of wars with Sweden. Although one of Lithuania's great military commanders, Jan Karol Chodkiewicz (Chodkiewicz, Jan Karol), triumphed at Kirchholm (1605), and the Gdańsk-based navy defeated the Swedish fleet near Oliwa (1627), the truce that followed was inconclusive. The same was true for most settlements in foreign and domestic affairs.

Although Poland remained neutral in the Thirty Years' War (1618–48), Sigismund stealthily supported the Habsburgs, a policy that contributed to a war with Turkey. Poland suffered a major defeat at Cecorą in 1620 but was victorious at Chocim (now in Khotyn, Ukraine) and negotiated peace a year later. The victory at Chocim was memorialized by poet Wacław Potocki (Potocki, Wacław) a half century later.

Władysław IV Vasa (reigned 1632–48) continued his father's policy of strengthening the monarchy and of insisting on the rights to the Swedish throne. Some of the bellicose plans he formulated to increase his power were thwarted by the Sejm and by international circumstances. The anti-Turkish crusade he planned, however, in which Cossacks were to play a major role, contributed to the upheaval that shook the Commonwealth between 1648 and 1660—the uprising in Ukraine and war in the northeast.

The two decades of war and occupation in the mid-17th century, which in the case of Lithuania gave a foretaste of the 18th-century partitions, ruined and exhausted the Commonwealth. Famines and epidemics followed hostilities, and the population dropped from roughly 11 to 7 million. The number of inhabitants of Kraków and Warsaw fell by two-thirds and one-half, respectively. Wilno was burned down. The Khmelnytsky uprising decimated the Jews in Ukraine, even if they recovered fairly rapidly demographically. The productivity of agriculture diminished dramatically owing to labour shortages, the destruction of many farm buildings and farming implements, and the loss of numerous cattle. The dynamic network of international trade fairs also collapsed. Grain exports, which had reached their peak in the early 17th century, could not redress the unfavourable balance of trade with western Europe. Losses of art treasures—the Swedes engaged in systematic looting—were irreplaceable.

Sobieski, ruling as John III (1674–96), sought to improve Poland's position and at first considered conquering Prussia in alliance with France. But that plan did not succeed. With the papacy and the Habsburgs preparing for all-out war against Turkey, John reverted to an anti-Turkish policy and concluded an alliance with Austria. In 1683 he led a relief army to a Vienna besieged (Vienna, Siege of) by the Turks and, as supreme commander of the allied forces, won a resounding victory that marked the beginning of Turkish withdrawal from Europe. The Commonwealth, however, did not share in the subsequent victorious Austrian campaigns. Poland became a secondary partner, and, when the final peace with Turkey was concluded with the Treaty of Carlowitz (Carlowitz, Treaty of) in 1699, the Poles recovered only the lost Ukrainian lands. By that time John was no longer alive, and Augustus II, the elector of Saxony, had succeeded him on the throne (reigned 1697–1733).

The “Saxon Era” lasted for more than 60 years and marked the lowest point in Polish history. Research since the 1980s has somewhat corrected the largely negative picture of Augustus II and Augustus III by stressing that they were operating in a context of political anarchy, dominated by factions of struggling oligarchs and subject to the meddling of neighbouring powers. The neighbouring states signed agreements among themselves to promote weakness within the Commonwealth, as for instance the Austro-Russian accord of 1675 and the Swedish-Brandenburg pacts of 1686 and 1696, which were followed by others in the 1720s.

Upon Augustus's death in 1733, Stanisław I, seen this time as a symbol of Poland's independence and supported by France (his daughter, Marie Leszczyńska, married Louis XV), was elected once again. The counterelection of Augustus III followed, and Russian troops drove Stanisław out of the country. He abdicated, receiving as compensation (after the so-called War of the Polish Succession (Polish Succession, War of the)) the duchy of Lorraine.

The reign of Augustus III (1733–63)—during which 5 out of 15 Sejms were dissolved while the remainder took no decisions—witnessed the nadir of Polish statehood. The Commonwealth no longer could be counted as an independent participant in international relations; the king's diplomacy was conducted from Dresden in Saxony. Poland passively watched the once-Polish territory of Silesia pass from the Habsburgs to Prussia as a result of the War of the Austrian Succession (Austrian Succession, War of the). Prussia, under Frederick II (the Great), whose grandfather (Frederick I) had already been recognized in 1701 as “king in Prussia” by Augustus II, was becoming a great power. During the Seven Years' War (1756–63), Austrian and Russian troops marched through Poland, and Frederick flooded the country with counterfeit money. The Commonwealth was being treated as a wayside inn.

The election of Stanisław II August Poniatowski as the last king of Poland (reigned 1764–95) was the work of the powerful Familia. Rising from the middle nobility (though his mother was a Czartoryska), the candidate was handpicked by Catherine II (the Great) of Russia not only because he had been her lover but because she felt that he would be completely dependent on her. The Czartoryskis in turn saw him as their puppet. Thus, from the beginning Stanisław II—a highly intelligent man, a patron of the arts, and a reformer in the spirit of the Enlightenment—had to operate under most-difficult conditions. The magnates resented him as an upstart; the conservative szlachta viewed him as Catherine's tool and as a threat to their liberties. The king's adroitness and personal charm allowed him in time to win over some of his adversaries, but he lacked a strong will and showed none of the military inclination so cherished by the Poles.

In 1768 the Confederation of Bar (Bar, Confederation of) was formed. Its antiroyalist and anti-Russian program mingled patriotic and conservative overtones with religious objectives (namely, the defense of the privileged status of Roman Catholicism vis-à-vis the religious and political equality for non-Catholics advocated by Russia). Civil war erupted and lasted until 1772. Royal troops assisted the Russians—at one point the king was kidnapped by the confederates—and France and Turkey helped the confederates. The movement strengthened Polish national consciousness and produced the first martyrs sent to Siberia, but, at the same time, it created such chaotic conditions that St. Petersburg began to listen when Frederick repeatedly proposed partitioning Poland. With Russia and Austria on the brink of war over Turkish (Ottoman Empire) matters, Berlin suggested a resolution of the eastern crisis through mutually agreeable compensations at Poland's expense. Austria, which had opposed the scheme ( Maria Theresa had found it immoral), unwittingly created a precedent by annexing some Polish border areas.

Although the constitution was passed through a quasi-coup (1791–92), Stanisław gained for it the approval of most of the sejmiki. It was, however, unacceptable to Russia and Prussia, both of which were fearful lest a revived, strong Poland reclaim its lost lands. Driven by pride and doctrine, a number of die-hard conservatives—among them high dignitaries such as Stanisław Szczęsny Potocki, Seweryn Rzewuski, and Ksawery Branicki—formed the Confederation of Targowica (in St. Petersburg) to overthrow the May constitution. Acting as guarantor of the old Polish regime, Catherine ordered her armies to invade Poland in 1792. There they fought the outnumbered Polish troops under Prince Józef Poniatowski (Poniatowski, Józef Antoni) and General Tadeusz Kościuszko (Kościuszko, Tadeusz), a hero of the American Revolution.

The 123 years during which Poland existed only as a partitioned land had a profound impact on the Polish psyche. Moreover, major 19th-century developments such as industrialization and modernization were uneven in Poland and proved to be a mixed blessing. Growing Polish nationalism was by necessity that of an oppressed nation and displayed the tendency of “all or nothing.” Compromise became a dirty word, for it implied collaboration with the partitioners; a distrust of authority grew. The tradition of the Polish nobles' republic militated against submission and engendered an attitude of revolutionary defiance.

The survival of the Polish nation, which during the 19th century absorbed the peasant masses, was due in no small degree to a culture that continued to be all-Polish and dedicated to the Roman Catholic Church, whose role in maintaining “Polishness” was very important. Numerous writers, from the Romantic poets to Henryk Sienkiewicz (Sienkiewicz, Henryk), winner of the 1905 Nobel Prize for Literature, shaped the Polish mentality. For a stateless nation, ideas and imponderables acquired special importance. A rebirth of statehood, however, could be achieved only under the conditions of a major European upheaval, which would mean a collapse of the partitioning powers; this did not happen until 1918.

The pro-French military option had a counterpart in the ideas and policies of Prince Adam Jerzy Czartoryski (Czartoryski, Adam Jerzy, Prince). Appointed Russian foreign minister by Tsar Alexander I (Alexander I), the prince advocated redrawing the map of Europe to take into account national feelings and reconstitute Poland in union with Russia. This approach failed when Alexander committed himself to a struggle against France on the side of Prussia.

The victory of the anti-Napoleonic coalition led to a redrafting of the map of Europe at the Congress of Vienna (Vienna, Congress of) (1814–15). The Congress paid lip service to Poland by enjoining the partitioning powers to respect the national rights of their Polish subjects (insofar as was compatible with the partitioners' state interests) and by providing for free trade and communications within the borders of the old Commonwealth. The latter turned out to be a dead letter. The territorial issue caused dissent among the powers, but eventually a compromise arrangement left the former duchy of Warsaw, minus Poznania (which went to Prussia) and Kraków (made a free city), to Tsar Alexander under the name of the Kingdom of Poland (Congress Kingdom of Poland). The tsar now controlled about two-thirds of the old Commonwealth—both the area commonly called Congress Kingdom, or Congress Poland, and the former Commonwealth (Lithuanian, Ukrainian, and Belarusian) provinces that had been annexed during the partitions.

Endowed with a liberal constitution, which was increasingly violated in practice, the settlement satisfied neither the Poles nor the Russians. The former hoped for the kingdom to be united with the eastern “lost lands” and to become a junior partner of the empire. Alexander, who played with the idea, abandoned it under the pressure of Russian circles that were unwilling to give up any of the annexed provinces. The Wilno (Vilnius) educational district (education), which comprised most of them, originally had been chaired by Czartoryski and had been seen as a model for educational reform in Russia. The university in Wilno was the largest in the empire. In 1823 it came under attack; students accused of sedition were jailed or exiled. One of the victims was the great Polish poet Adam Mickiewicz (Mickiewicz, Adam). Thus, basic disagreement about the territorial question was augmented by the anomalous union of an autocratic empire with a liberal kingdom. In the long run a confrontation may have been inevitable, but it was hastened by a gradual deterioration of the position of the Poles.

Political and philosophical writings and belles lettres of the émigrés were imbued with an intense patriotic message. The three greatest Polish Romantic poets—Mickiewicz (Mickiewicz, Adam), Juliusz Słowacki (Słowacki, Juliusz), and Zygmunt Krasiński (Krasiński, Zygmunt)—were the national “bards” (wieszcz) who influenced entire generations of Poles. They were followed by the much-later-discovered poet Cyprian Norwid (Norwid, Cyprian). In music the emigration was epitomized by the compositions of Frédéric Chopin (Chopin, Frédéric). A messianic conception of the Polish nation arose, which in its most extreme and mystical form characterized Poland as the Christ of nations, redeeming all oppressed peoples through its suffering and transcendence.

The Russians, determined to be firm with the radicals, sought a dialogue with the upper classes. But Zamoyski, worried lest he appear subservient to the Russians, demanded a return to the guarantees of the 1815 constitution. Such demands were rejected, and Zamoyski was eventually ordered to leave the country. The Russian viceroy turned to Zamoyski's rival, Margrabia (margrave) Aleksander Wielopolski (Wielopolski, Count Aleksander), whose program of limited concessions (Polonization of education, restoration of local self-government, transformation of the peasants into tenants, and emancipation of the Jews) was acceptable to St. Petersburg. Wielopolski's contempt for public opinion and high-handed methods—especially the disbanding of the Agricultural Society and a showdown with the Roman Catholic Church—estranged him from the Poles. Tension grew after a massacre of demonstrators near the castle square.

Polish socialism, which in its early manifestations was purely a class movement with an emphasis on internationalism, began by the 1890s to stress an indissoluble connection between social revolution and Poland's independence. At a conference held in Paris in 1892, the Polish Socialist Party (PPS) came into existence. Illegal under Russian rule, it had a counterpart in Galicia in the Polish Social Democratic Party led by Ignacy Daszyński (Daszyński, Ignacy). The dominant figure in the PPS was Józef Piłsudski (Piłsudski, Józef), who saw the historic role of socialism in Poland as that of a destroyer of reactionary tsardom.

Doubly oppressed (nationally and socially), the Polish proletariat was to be the force to carry the struggle for social justice and national liberation. Opposing such views was the Social Democracy of the Kingdom of Poland and Lithuania, the forerunner of Polish communism. Its leading theorist, Rosa Luxemburg (Luxemburg, Rosa), argued that national independence would not promote the interests of the proletariat, who were integrated economically into the three partitioning states.

With the outbreak of World War I, (World War I) two major political trends emerged among the Poles. Józef Piłsudski, distancing himself from socialist politics, became a military leader and commander of a brigade that fought on the Austrian side. His cooperation with the Central Powers was tactical, part of his pursuit of the goal of complete independence. Expecting a collapse of the three partitioners, he prepared for a Polish fait accompli. In 1915 the Germans and the Austrians drove out the Russians from Congress Poland, and on November 5, 1916, they issued the Two Emperors' Manifesto proclaiming the creation of the Polish kingdom. Its status and borders remained undefined, but the document internationalized the Polish question. Piłsudski, who refused to raise Polish troops without binding political commitments from the Central Powers, came into conflict with them and in 1917 was imprisoned in Magdeburg, Germany.

With the end of the war on November 11, 1918, Piłsudski, released by the German revolutionaries, returned to Warsaw. The German-appointed Regency Council handed over its powers to him, and Piłsudski successfully negotiated a German evacuation of the kingdom. A leftist government in Lublin headed by Daszyński resigned in his favour, but Dmowski's Polish National Committee, representing the Polish political right, did not. The danger of two rival governments was avoided through the mediation of Paderewski. Under a compromise implemented in January 1919, Piłsudski remained chief of state and commander in chief; Paderewski, who became premier and foreign minister, and Dmowski represented Poland at the Paris Peace Conference.

The Polish program at the Paris Peace Conference was affected by the Piłsudski-Dmowski dualism. Piłsudski's approach was “federalist,” Dmowski's “incorporationist.” The former strove to establish a bloc of states corresponding to prepartition Poland, but he was flexible on the issue of the borders of those states. The latter postulated a centralized Polish state, with its eastern border determined by the Second Partition but also including Upper Silesia and parts of East Prussia transferred from Germany in the west. France favoured strengthening Poland at Germany's expense, but Britain opposed that approach. Wilson occupied a middle position.

Poland continued its policy of balance, but, in profiting from the German action against Czechoslovakia by gaining the disputed part of Cieszyn (October 1938), it gave the impression of being in collusion with Adolf Hitler (Hitler, Adolf). However, when confronted with German demands for an extraterritorial road through the “corridor” and the annexation of Danzig, as well as with an invitation to join the Anti-Comintern Pact, Beck knew that his country's independence was at stake. Accepting British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain (Chamberlain, Neville)'s guarantee of March 1939 and turning it into a full-fledged alliance with Britain, Warsaw rejected German demands. On September 1, 1939, Hitler, having secured Soviet cooperation through the German-Soviet (Molotov-Ribbentrop) Nonaggression Pact (German-Soviet Nonaggression Pact) a week earlier, launched an all-out attack against Poland.

The Poles, fighting alone against the Wehrmacht's overwhelming might, particularly in air power and armour, were doomed. On September 17, 1939, the Red Army invaded Poland from the east, and on September 28 Hitler and Joseph Stalin (Stalin, Joseph) agreed on a final partition, the Soviets taking eastern Galicia and lands east of the Bug River (i.e., more than half of the country, where the Poles constituted about two-fifths of the population). After farcical plebiscites in October and November, these territories were incorporated into Soviet Ukraine and Belorussia. Between 1940 and 1941 about 1.5 million people were deported to the U.S.S.R. Wilno was handed over to Lithuania (Lithuania, grand duchy of), which by 1940 had become one of the Soviet republics. While the Soviets singled out class enemies, the Germans—who split the area they occupied into a central region called the General Government and territories annexed to the Reich—emphasized race.

From 1939 a Polish underground (resistance), one of the largest in occupied Europe, resisted the Nazis through a veritable secret state and a Home Army (AK) loyal to the Polish government-in-exile. The latter was a legal successor of the government that on September 17, 1939, had crossed into Romania and was interned there. Set up in Paris and moved to London after the collapse of France, it was led by the premier and commander in chief, General Władysław Sikorski (Sikorski, Władysław). Under his command Polish troops, organized in the west, fought in all theatres of war in Europe and North Africa. Polish pilots played a disproportionately large role in the Battle of Britain (Britain, Battle of) (1940–41), and the small Polish navy also distinguished itself. A major Polish contribution to the war effort lay in discovering and passing on to the Allies the secret of the German ciphering machine Enigma.

The postwar Polish republic, renamed in 1952 the Polish People's Republic, occupied an area some 20 percent smaller than prewar Poland, and its population of almost 30 million rose to nearly 39 million in the following four decades. The Holocaust, together with the expulsion of several million Germans and population transfers with the U.S.S.R., left Poland virtually homogeneous in its ethnic composition. The expulsion of the Germans was approved by the Potsdam Conference, but the final decision regarding the new German-Polish border along the Oder-Neisse Line (Oder–Neisse Line) was left to a future peace conference. The U.S.S.R. cleverly capitalized on its status as the sole guarantor of this border, which gave Poland a long seacoast, with such harbours as Szczecin and Gdańsk, and such natural resources as coal and zinc in Silesia.

Over the next few years the Bierut regime in Poland closely followed the Stalinist model in politics (adopting the Soviet-style 1952 constitution), economics (emphasizing heavy industry and collectivization of agriculture), military affairs (appointing the Soviet Marshal Konstantin Rokossovsky (Rokossovsky, Konstantin Konstantinovich) as commander of Polish forces and adhering to the Warsaw Pact of 1955), foreign policy (joining the Communist Information Bureau, the agency of international communism), culture, and the rule of the secret police. Political terror in Poland, however, did not include, as elsewhere, show trials of fallen party leaders—Gomułka, denounced as a “Titoist (Tito, Josip Broz)” and imprisoned in 1951, was spared such a trial. Moreover, the primate of Poland, Stefan Wyszyński (Wyszyński, Stefan), could still negotiate a modus vivendi in 1950, though, as the pressure on the church increased, he was arrested in September 1953 (by which time he had been named a cardinal).

In 1978 the election of Karol Cardinal Wojtyła, the archbishop of Kraków, as Pope John Paul II (John Paul II) gave the Poles a father figure and a new inspiration. The coalition of workers and intellectuals, operating largely under the protective umbrella of the church, was in fact building a civil society. The pope's visit to Poland in 1979 endowed that society with national, patriotic, and ethical dimensions. A strike at the Gdańsk shipyard led by a charismatic electrician, Lech Wałęsa (Wałęsa, Lech), forced an accord with the government on August 31, 1980. Out of the strike emerged the almost 10-million-strong Independent Self-Governing Trade Union Solidarity (Solidarność), which the government was forced to recognize. Here was an unprecedented working-class revolution directed against a “socialist” state, an example to other peoples of the Soviet bloc.

A huge movement that sought not to govern but rather to ensure freedom through a “self-limiting revolution,” Solidarity could not have been homogeneous. The opponents of communism ranged from those who opposed the system as contrary to liberty and democracy to those who saw it as inimical to national and Christian values and to those who felt that it had not lived up to its socioeconomic promises. These three attitudes all resurfaced after the fall of communism and explain a good deal about the developments in Poland of the 1990s.

Poland: A Handbook (1977), is a comprehensive reference source written by Polish authors and published in Poland for readership outside the country. Glenn E. Curtis (ed.), Poland: A Country Study, 3rd ed. (1994), provides a balanced treatment. Grzegorz Weclawowicz, Contemporary Poland: Space and Society (1996), discusses the changes since 1989. Zbigniew Landau and Jerzy Tomaszewski, The Polish Economy in the Twentieth Century, trans. from Polish by Wojciech Roszkowski (1985), offers an uncritical treatment. David Lane and George Kolankiewicz (eds.), Social Groups in Polish Society (1973), covers postwar ideological developments. Aspects of cultural life are dealt with in Bolesław Klimaszewski (ed.), An Outline History of Polish Culture, trans. from Polish by Krystyna Mroczek (1979, reissued 1984), covering the main cultural trends from medieval times to 1982; and Stanisław Lorentz, Guide to Museums and Collections in Poland, trans. by Jan Aleksandrowicz (1974; originally published in Polish, 1971). The Polish Review (quarterly) focuses on current cultural events.Jerzy A. Kondracki Andrew Hutchinson Dawson Norman Davies

The history of Poland is presented in W.F. Reddaway et al. (eds.), The Cambridge History of Poland, 2 vol. (1941–50, reissued 1971); Aleksander Gieysztor et al., History of Poland, 2nd ed., trans. from Polish by Krystyna Cekalska (1979); Norman Davies, God's Playground: A History of Poland, new ed., 2 vol. (2003; also published as A History of Poland, God's Playground, 1981); Norman Davies, Heart of Europe: The Past in Poland's Present, new ed. (2001; originally published as Heart of Europe: A Short History of Poland, 1984); Adam Zamoyski, The Polish Way: A Thousand-Year History of the Poles and Their Culture (1987, reissued 1994); Paul W. Knoll, The Rise of the Polish Monarchy: Piast Poland in East Central Europe, 1320–1370 (1972); J.K. Fedorowicz, Maria Bogucka, and Henryk Samsonowicz (eds.), A Republic of Nobles: Studies in Polish History to 1864, trans. from Polish (1982); Harry E. Dembkowski, The Union of Lublin, Polish Federalism in the Golden Age (1982); Jerzy Lukowski, Liberty's Folly: The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the Eighteenth Century, 1697–1795 (1991); Piotr S. Wandycz, The Lands of Partitioned Poland, 1795–1918 (1974, reprinted 1984), and Polish Diplomacy, 1914–1945: Aims and Achievements, ed. by Keith Sword (1988); R.F. Leslie (ed.), The History of Poland Since 1863 (1980); Andrzej Walicki, Philosophy and Romantic Nationalism: The Case of Poland (1982, reissued 1994); Titus Komarnicki, Rebirth of the Polish Republic: A Study in the Diplomatic History of Europe, 1914–1920 (1957); Antony Polonsky, Politics in Independent Poland, 1921–1939 (1972); Jan Karski, The Great Powers & Poland, 1919–1945: From Versailles to Yalta (1985); Józef Garliński, Poland in the Second World War (1985, reissued 1987); and Jacek Jedruch, Constitutions, Elections, and Legislatures of Poland, 1493–1993: A Guide to Their History, rev. ed. (1998). George J. Lerski, Historical Dictionary of Poland, 966–1945, ed. by Piotr Wróbel and Richard J. Kozicki (1996), is a useful companion to historical readings.Communism and its collapse and aftermath are examined in these works: Jakub Karpinski, Countdown: The Polish Upheavals of 1956, 1968, 1970, 1976, 1980, trans. from Polish by Olga Amsterdamska and Gene M. Moore (1982); Jan Józef Lipski, KOR: A History of the Workers' Defense Committee in Poland, 1976–1981, trans. by Olga Amsterdamska and Gene M. Moore (1985; originally published in Polish, 1983); Michael Checinski, Poland, Communism, Nationalism, Anti-Semitism, trans. from Polish by Tadeusz Szafar (1982); Jadwiga Staniszkis, Poland's Self-Limiting Revolution, ed. by Jan T. Gross (1984); Lawrence Weschler, The Passion of Poland, from Solidarity Through the State of War (1984); Timothy Garton Ash, The Polish Revolution: Solidarity, 1980–82, 3rd ed. (2002); Neal Ascherson, The Polish August: The Self-Limiting Revolution (1982); George Blazyca and Ryszard Rapacki (eds.), Poland into the 1990s: Economy and Society in Transition (1991); Jane Leftwich Curry and Luba Fajfer (eds.), Poland's Permanent Revolution: People vs. Elites, 1956 to the Present (1996); Grzegorz Ekiert, The State Against Society: Political Crises and Their Aftermath in East Central Europe (1996); Jan Kubik, The Power of Symbols Against the Symbols of Power: The Rise of Solidarity and the Fall of State Socialism in Poland (1994); Michael H. Bernhard, The Origins of Democratization in Poland: Workers, Intellectuals, and Oppositional Politics, 1976–1980 (1993); and Raymond Taras, Consolidating Democracy in Poland (1995). Analyses of current political developments in Poland can be found in the Political Data Yearbooks, annual special issues of the European Journal of Political Research.Piotr S. Wandycz Hans Roos Kazimierz Maciej Smogorzewski Krzysztof Jasiewicz