词条 | Zimbabwe |
释义 | Zimbabwe Introduction officially Republic of Zimbabwe, formerly (1911–64) Southern Rhodesia, (1964–79) Rhodesia, or (1979–80) Zimbabwe Rhodesia Zimbabwe, flag of ![]() ![]() The land Relief ![]() ![]() ![]() The Great Dyke, which is up to 8 miles wide and about 330 miles long, is another notable landscape feature. The longest linear mass of mafic and ultramafic rocks in the world, the Great Dyke bisects the country from north to south and contains enormous reserves of chromium, nickel, and platinum. The Alkali Ring complexes near Beitbridge in the Sabi valley are distinctive igneous intrusions. The Karoo (Karroo (Karoo System)) System—a thick layer of sedimentary rocks consisting of shale, sandstone, and grit of Permian and Triassic age (208 to 286 million years old)—covers the Zambezi valley and the valleys of its tributaries from Hwange (formerly Wankie) southward to Bulawayo and spreads across parts of the southern Lowveld from Tuli, near the southern border, to the Sabi River. Drainage and soils ![]() The light, sandy soils found in most parts of Zimbabwe are residual soils developed largely from the granite parent material. They are highly weathered and leached, even in the areas of lower rainfall, and do not easily retain water because of their coarse texture. Outcrops of basement schists give rise to rich red clays and loams—some of the country's best soils—but their extent is limited. Since most rain occurs in heavy showers during a few months of the year, rapid runoff and high rates of erosion are common. The meagre mineral reserves in most soils imply an inherently low fertility; under cultivation, productivity drops rapidly after a few years. The difficulty of cultivating these lighter soils is greatest in the black farming areas, where population pressure no longer allows land to be temporarily abandoned to rejuvenate after cultivation; black farmers, because of a lack of capital, are also less able than white farmers to maintain the mineral fertility with manure and chemical fertilizers. Climate Zimbabwe, lying north of the Tropic of Capricorn, is completely within the tropics but enjoys subtropical conditions because of its high average elevation. Toward the end of the hot, dry months, which last from August to October, monsoon winds that have crossed the Indian Ocean and Mozambique result in intense orographic rainfall when they meet the rampart formed by the eastern highlands. The eastern regions consequently receive the country's heaviest rainfall and have a more prolonged rainy season (lasting from October into April) than the rest of Zimbabwe. The high altitude of the broad plateau of western Zimbabwe helps to guarantee fine weather there during the cool, dry winter months from May to August. June is generally the coolest month and October the warmest; temperature variations correspond closely to altitude. Inyanga, at about 5,500 feet in the eastern highlands, varies in temperature from a mean of 52° F (11° C) in July to one of 65° F (18° C) in October. Harare, at about 4,800 feet, has seasonal temperatures varying from 57° F (14° C) to 70° F (21° C), and Bulawayo, at 4,400 feet, varies from 57° F (14° C) to 70° F (21° C). Daily variations about these means are some 13° F (7° C) warmer in the afternoon and 13° F (7° C) cooler at night. Harare and Bulawayo each average about eight hours of sunshine per day, and this average does not drop below six hours during the rainy season. Plant and animal life Zimbabwe is predominantly savanna (tropical grassland), with a generous tree growth encouraged by the wet summers. The only true forests, however, are the evergreen forests of the eastern border and the savanna woodland, which includes teak, northwest of Bulawayo. Various species of Brachystegia (a hardwood tree up to 90 feet high with pale reddish brown wood) are dominant in the Middleveld and Highveld. Other common species include the mohobohobo (a medium-size tree with large spadelike leaves) and the thorn tree. In the valleys of the Zambezi and Limpopo rivers, the mopane, which resembles the mohobohobo, is common, together with the stout-trunked baobab and the knobby thorn tree. Australasian eucalyptus trees have been widely introduced, predominantly on white-owned farms, where they are used as windbreaks and for fuel; Australian wattle has been planted in the eastern districts as a source of tannin. Pure grassland is uncommon but occurs particularly along the eastern border around Chimanimani (Mandidzudzure, formerly Melsetter). ![]() ![]() Settlement patterns Zimbabwe may be divided into six different regions of agricultural potential, with the amount of rainfall constituting the determining factor in land use. The eastern highlands, with more than 25 inches of rainfall annually, are suitable for diversified farming with cattle and plantation and orchard crops. Roughly one-fifth of the country, sweeping west along the central spine past Harare and on to the midlands, receives 20 to 25 inches of rain and is used for intensive farming of corn (maize) and tobacco and the raising of livestock. An almost equal area to the southwest, enclosing Bulawayo, receives 16 to 20 inches of rain a year; it is suitable for mixed farming and for raising livestock on a semi-intensive scale. One-third of the country, lying farther outward from the spine of Zimbabwe, mostly to the south, and receiving 14 to 18 inches of rainfall annually, is used for semi-extensive farming, while about one-fourth of the country in the Lowveld toward the Limpopo and Zambezi rivers, receiving less than 16 inches a year, is fit only for ranching. Finally, a small area, mostly in the far north toward the Zambezi River, is unsuitable for either agriculture or forestry. Prior to independence most of the country's best farmland was in the hands of white settlers or absentee landlords. In consequence, the nationalist struggle focused sharply upon the issue of land ownership, and a major concern for the Zimbabwe government after independence was to carry through land reform in the rural areas and launch large-scale settlement of black families on former white farms. The Land Apportionment Act, a segregationist measure that governed land allocation and acquisition prior to independence, made no provision for blacks who chose an urban life, because towns were designated as white areas. As a result, though urban blacks now outnumber whites by more than four to one, blacks mostly live in rented homes in townships located some miles from city centres. The cities of Harare and Bulawayo therefore constitute studies in contrast, with impressive office buildings and quiet white suburbs partially ringed by crowded black townships. The Land Tenure Act, a more rigidly segregationist law that superseded the Land Apportionment Act in 1969, was amended in 1977, while the civil war was still being fought, to allow blacks to purchase white farms and urban property, and after the end of hostilities residential segregation began to be significantly breached. The people Ethnic and linguistic composition More than two-thirds of the population of Zimbabwe speak Shona as their first language, while about one out of five speak Ndebele. Both Shona and Ndebele are Bantu languages; from the time of their great southward migration, Bantu-speaking tribes have populated what is now Zimbabwe for more than 10 centuries. Those who speak Ndebele are concentrated in a circle around Bulawayo, with Shona-speaking peoples beyond them on all sides—the Kalanga to the southwest, the Karanga to the east around Nyanda (formerly Fort Victoria), the Zezuru to the northeast, and the Rozwi and Tonga to the north. Generations of intermarriage have to a degree blurred the linguistic division between the Shona and Ndebele peoples. Among the whites in Zimbabwe at independence were the descendants of the country's first European immigrants. Only about one-quarter of the adult white population, however, were born in Zimbabwe. After World War II the white population grew severalfold because of heavy immigration, and some two-thirds of the present white population have their origins in Europe, the great majority from Britain. The rest have come largely from South Africa. Of the whites living in rural areas, about one-quarter are Afrikaners (Boer). There are several thousand Asians, forming a community that is predominantly concerned with trade. There are also Zimbabweans of mixed race, called Coloureds, who are mainly skilled and semiskilled workers. English is the official language of government; teaching in schools is also conducted in English, except for the instruction of the youngest children in black schools. Religion The great majority of the black population adheres to traditional religion based on reverence for ancestors. The Shona have preserved their ancient reputation for prophecy, divination, and rainmaking; they believe in Mwari, a supreme being. The stone ruins of Great Zimbabwe are regarded as a shrine of deep religious significance, as also are parts of the Matopo Hills. In the last 50 years Christian mission schools have exercised much influence in the country, and most of the members of the first Cabinet of independent Zimbabwe were graduates of these schools. The Roman Catholic, Anglican, Methodist, Presbyterian, Baptist, and Dutch Reformed churches are represented. Because the Roman Catholic church supported nationalist aspirations, it held a position of influence in the postindependence period. Immigration and emigration Migration has been the most important factor influencing the size and composition of the white population. Net migration figures have fluctuated in reaction to political events. In the years immediately preceding the breakup of the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, there was a net emigration of 13,000 whites; this was followed during the first 10 years of UDI by a net immigration of 40,000 (with 111,270 immigrants and 71,330 emigrants). As warfare spread after 1976, the pendulum swung again from a peak white population of 260,000 to fewer than 200,000 after independence. These net figures obscure, however, the gross turnover during 1965–79 of 132,560 immigrants and 133,864 emigrants. Even when allowance is made for the subsequent return of some emigrants, it is probable that at least half of the country's adult whites were newcomers after 1965. Distribution of population About one-fourth of the total population live in urban centres, nearly two-thirds of them in either Harare or Bulawayo. Among urban blacks, there is a disproportionately large number of males of working age, leaving an excess of older people, women, and children in rural areas. At least half of the black households are partly or wholly dependent on incomes earned in the wage economy. The economy Upon independence in 1980, Robert Mugabe's government moved cautiously to alter the pattern of management that it inherited from the white minority regime. The first budget of July 1980 was described by the finance minister as “conservative 【with】 a mild and pragmatic application of socialism.” But the white minority had passed on government machinery that included many levers of economic power. While the members of the white minority were by inclination wedded to a system of private enterprise, they had evolved a system of government intervention to support infant industries and maintain agricultural prices through marketing boards. The need to cushion the blows dealt by economic sanctions during UDI brought acceptance of the imposition of exchange and import controls. Zimbabwe's economy began experiencing a decline in the 1990s that accelerated in the early 2000s. The Mugabe administration's problematic program of land reform—which sought to hasten the slow reallocation of farmland from the white minority to black Zimbabweans—began in the 1990s, gathered speed after 2002, and is one of the most-often-cited causes for the economic decline, but other factors also played a role. Mugabe's controversial 1998 decision to intervene in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (Congo)'s civil war not only cost the Zimbabwean economy hundreds of millions of dollars but also resulted in the suspension of international economic aid for Zimbabwe. Aid and loans to the country were withheld in later years in protest of the land reform program and violations of human and political rights and in response to Zimbabwe's inability to repay previous loans. Economic mismanagement, rampant inflation, and record-high rates of unemployment complicated the worsening economic situation. Agriculture ![]() The sector is divided into large-scale commercial farming, which occupies some 40 percent of the total land area and was historically dominated by white farmers, and small-scale farming, which is both commercial and subsistence in nature. Occupying about the same total area as the large-scale commercial sector—but on land that is considerably less fertile—smallholders have steadily increased their share of the country's total agricultural output since independence, from about one-tenth in the early 1980s to about half of the total production in the early 1990s. To accelerate this trend and redress the issue of land distribution, the government purchased—and, from 2002, also seized—many large farms and established resettlement areas on them. Landless peasant farmers or war veterans were supposed to be settled on the farmland, but property was often claimed by politically connected individuals without adequate farming experience who were not able to maintain productivity; this, along with drought conditions, greatly contributed to the decline of the agricultural sector—and the country's general economy—in the 2000s. Crop production is well diversified. The most important food crop is corn (maize), which is grown throughout Zimbabwe but does best in the well-watered northeast. In previous years, enough corn was usually produced so that Zimbabwe was able to meet its domestic demand and also export a sizable quantity, but, in the early 21st century, with the significant decline in agricultural productivity, the country was unable to meet domestic needs. Other food crops include wheat, millet, sorghum, barley, cassava, peanuts (groundnuts), soybeans, bananas, and oranges. ![]() Cotton, grown by both smallholders and large commercial farmers, was once a chief export crop and was also the foundation of a large domestic textile industry. Cotton output increased steadily from UDI (when commercial farmers were forced to diversify their production away from an overreliance on tobacco) but declined in the early 21st century. Sugar is grown in the southern Lowveld. It is exported as well as used as the basis for an important fuel industry, which mixes the sugar by-product ethanol with gasoline to help decrease the country's reliance on expensive imported fuels. Coffee (coffee production) has increased in production many times over since the early 1970s. Grown mainly in the eastern highlands between Vumba and Mount Silinda, Zimbabwe's coffees are premium mild arabicas that command a favourable price on the world market. Cattle are the preferred livestock of the country's farmers. beef and dairy products, produced mainly by the commercial sector, accounted for about one-fourth of agricultural output in most years. After independence there was a growing domestic demand for beef, and, as one of the few African countries allowed to export beef to the European Community (now the European Union 【EU】), Zimbabwe developed a significant export trade in beef as well. This trade has been negatively impacted by the overall decline of the agricultural sector in the early 21st century, which resulted in a lack of grain available for feed. Sheep, goats, and pigs are raised in some areas, but their importance is minor compared with cattle. Poultry are kept largely for home use. Industry ![]() It was the prospect of great mineral wealth—comparable to the gold deposits of the Witwatersrand in neighbouring South Africa—that attracted the first permanent European settlers in the 1890s. These great expectations faded for many years after the peak of gold production was reached in 1915. By the 1950s, however, production of the chromium mines along the Great Dyke was significant, as was that of asbestos and copper. During UDI, the value of mining output increased. The rise in gold prices in the 1970s revived gold as the country's leading export and led to the reopening in 1979–80 of more than 100 dormant mines. Nickel mining along the Great Dyke began on a commercial scale in the late 1960s. Zimbabwe's huge coal reserves are estimated to be about 30 billion tons, much of it desirable low-sulfur bituminous coal. Production from the major coalfields near Hwange is limited, however, by the country's capacity to transport the coal by rail, an economic necessity because of coal's bulkiness. Manufacturing generates about one-tenth of the country's GDP. From 1954 to 1963, then Southern Rhodesia was able to rely on the resources and larger market of the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland for a 150 percent increase in manufacturing output. Then, after the UDI was announced in 1965, hundreds of new manufacturing projects were begun in an effort to defeat economic sanctions by import substitution. Because of the diversity in manufacturing that developed, Zimbabwe was able to provide nearly 90 percent of the manufactured goods used in the country until the economy began to decline in the late 1990s. ![]() Finance and trade The Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe, located in Harare, is the country's central bank. It is the sole bank of issue and administers all monetary and exchange controls. There are also private and government-sponsored commercial banks, a development finance bank, and several merchant banks and discount houses. The Zimbabwe Stock Exchange deals in both government securities and the securities of privately owned companies. Economic sanctions during UDI, which had been imposed by stages from 1966 to 1968 on both imports and exports, were lifted in December 1979. They had been widely breached, particularly in mineral exports and in the supply of petroleum, but they nevertheless strongly affected certain commodities, such as tobacco exports. Although the trade surplus was diminished in 1979 by the rise in oil prices, the value of exports still outpaced that of imports. In the 1980s Zimbabwe showed slow but steady growth in its trade surplus, as its unusually high level of export diversity proved able to weather changes in world demand for its commodities. However, the economic turmoil of the 1990s and 2000s adversely affected the balance of trade in some years, slowing growth or resulting in a negative balance. In the early 21st century some countries and organizations—including the United States and the EU—imposed various travel and trade restrictions on Zimbabwe in response to what they deemed to be political and human rights violations in the country. The actions were primarily directed at senior-level members of Mugabe's administration and their families rather than the country's general population and economy and did not apply to humanitarian assistance; however, the government asserted that these sanctions contributed to the country's economic problems. Major exports include gold, tobacco, metal alloys, cotton, and sugar. The principal imports are fuels and petroleum products, electricity, machinery and transport equipment, food, and miscellaneous manufactured goods. Zimbabwe's trading partners include South Africa and other African countries, the United States, China, and some countries of the EU. Zimbabwe belongs to regional economic trade-and-development organizations, including the Southern African Development Community and the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa. Labour and taxation The evolution of the trade union movement was some two years behind the pattern of political change by 1980. The Mugabe (Mugabe, Robert) government dealt with immediate labour problems, such as strikes for a higher minimum wage, on a case-by-case basis rather than institute a thorough revision of the basic Industrial Conciliation Act of 1959. The government seemed to favour the strengthening, by mergers or amalgamation, of small unions in the same industry; the strengthening of the whole movement by the formation of a single trade-union congress from the five or six existing confederations of unions; and an arm's-length relationship of government with such a congress. Despite the large number of unions in existence, the largest sections of the labour force—the agricultural workers and domestic servants—remained outside the system. The government raises nearly half of its revenue from personal and corporate income taxes that since 1966 have been collected on a pay-as-you-earn system. About two-fifths of government revenue comes from customs and excise duties and sales taxes, a small portion from investments, and much of the rest from government borrowing and, since independence, international aid. After independence the Zimbabwe government removed sales taxes on the staple items of food and fuel for the poorest people and extended sales taxes to travel, hotel accommodations, taxis, telecommunications, and other services. It continued the former rates of personal income tax. Transportation The main road system generally follows the line of white settlement along the spine of the country, with two branches north to Victoria Falls and Kariba and a network fanning out from Nyanda, close to the Great Zimbabwe ruins. Wartime operations brought an improvement in certain areas, including the construction of strategic roads in the eastern highlands and near the Zambian border. The road system has not been adequately maintained since the mid-1990s, and much of it has fallen into a state of disrepair. Zimbabwe has one of the densest rail networks in sub-Saharan Africa. The railway closely follows the main road network; its single track has a gauge of three feet six inches. The country has rail links with South Africa to the south and Zambia to the north. Two lines connect with lines through Mozambique to give landlocked Zimbabwe access to the ports of Maputo and Beira. As with the road system, the rail network has also deteriorated. Air Zimbabwe, the national carrier, flies to many international destinations. It replaced Air Rhodesia, a government-backed company that had operated only within Rhodesia and to and from South Africa. There are several airports in Zimbabwe with international and domestic service, including the international airport at Harare. There are many smaller airfields located throughout the country. Administration and social conditions Government The constitution of Zimbabwe, which was written in London during September–December 1979 and which took effect at independence on April 18, 1980, secured majority rule for Zimbabweans. Under the constitution, white voters, registered on a separate roll, elected 20 of the 100 members of the House of Assembly. Although these members could not veto constitutional amendments, a unanimous vote was required during the first 10 years to alter the Declaration of Rights component of the constitution, which stipulated (among other matters) that, if land was acquired for settlement schemes, there must be “prompt payment of adequate compensation…remittable within a reasonable time to any country outside Zimbabwe.” The British insisted that there be a constitutional head of state, a president elected by the House of Assembly, and an executive prime minister and that citizenship of Zimbabwe be automatically available to anyone who was (or had the qualifications to be) a citizen of Rhodesia immediately before independence. In 1987 the office of prime minister was eliminated, with executive power instead being vested solely in the president. That same year the practice of setting aside legislative seats elected from the white roll ended, and white voters were incorporated into the common roll. The former Senate of 40 members was abolished with a constitutional amendment in 1990, and 50 members were added to the House of Assembly; the Senate was reinstated in 2005. An amendment act passed in 2007 and effective with the 2008 elections increased the number of seats in both the House and the Senate and altered the allocation of seats. Additional constitutional amendments served to strengthen the role of the president, who serves as the head of state and government and is elected to a five-year term. Should the president retire in midterm, the legislature is empowered to choose a successor. The legislature is bicameral and consists of the House of Assembly and the Senate. The House of Assembly has 210 members, all of whom are directly elected. The Senate comprises 93 members: 60 are directly elected, 16 are traditional chiefs elected by the Council of Chiefs (the administrative body of traditional chiefs), 10 are provincial governors (nominated to the governorship by the president), 5 are appointed by the president, and 2 seats are allocated for the president and deputy president of the Council of Chiefs. At the time of independence, the white minority controlled the municipal councils, but legislation was soon introduced to amalgamate each municipal council with the council of its surrounding township, and, for the first time, black mayors were elected in 1981. Local government elections in rural areas replaced the old apparatus of district commissioners with a party-based council structure. Justice Under the constitution, the Judicial Service Commission advises the president on the appointment of judges to the Supreme Court (the highest court of appeal) and the High Court, although the president is not obligated to follow their recommendations. Supreme Court and High Court judges may not be removed from office except for misconduct or incapacity. There are also Regional Courts and Magistrates' Courts that try criminal and civil litigation; other courts, such as Chief's Courts, adjudicate on matters of African law and custom. Education The dismantling of Rhodesia's segregated (segregation, racial) system of schooling began less than two years before independence. The minority government had concentrated upon providing compulsory (and virtually free) education for white children between the ages of 5 and 15 and had left the schooling of black children in the hands of missionaries. In 1950 there were only 12 government schools for blacks, compared with 2,230 mission and independent schools. After independence, priority was given to upgrading the country's school system. Many new schools were built in the drive toward free primary education for all. In the decade following independence, Zimbabwe achieved one of the highest primary school enrollment rates in Africa, with more than nine-tenths of all children of primary school age attending school, although this rate declined to about four-fifths in the early 21st century. Primary education begins at age seven, lasts for seven years, and has been compulsory since 1987. At least one rural secondary school has been established in each of the country's districts. There are several universities and colleges in Zimbabwe, including the University of Zimbabwe, founded in 1955 at Harare, and the National University of Sciences and Technology, founded in 1991 at Bulawayo. Zimbabwe has one of the highest literacy rates in Africa, with nine-tenths of the population being able to read. Health and welfare Before 1980, health services were focused on curative medicine in central hospitals. Missionaries had the major responsibility for running rural clinics and small hospitals. After independence, health allocations were increased, but health services deteriorated rapidly with the onset of cyclic drought and flooding and the agricultural and economic problems of the late 1990s and 2000s. Many health care providers left Zimbabwe to work abroad, and those that remain do not always have access to the medicine and other supplies they need; in addition, many health care facilities and pieces of medical equipment have not been maintained, making it difficult to treat even common illnesses and injuries. Because of these problems, the health and well-being of Zimbabwe's population has declined. Zimbabwe's infant mortality rate is higher than the world average, and life expectancy in Zimbabwe plummeted during the last decade of the 20th century, from 62 years in 1990 to about 38 years in 2000. AIDS, the major health threat to Zimbabweans in the 1990s, continued to be a formidable problem into the 21st century, with about one-fifth of the adult population infected. In addition to addressing the AIDS epidemic and other diseases such as tuberculosis and malaria that occur in the country, food security and improved nutrition are increasingly seen as important health needs, because of the food shortages caused by years of drought and flooding as well as the collapse of the agricultural sector and the economic problems of the early 21st century. Cultural life The most famous of Rhodesian-bred writers, Doris Lessing (Lessing, Doris), settled in England in 1949. In some contrast, the nationalist struggle prompted a renaissance of Shona culture. A forerunner of this renaissance (and a victim of the liberation struggle) was Herbert Chitepo, both as abstract painter and epic poet. Stanlake Samkange's novels reconstruct the Shona and Ndebele world of the 1890s, while those of the much younger Charles Mungoshi explore the clash of Shona and Western cultures in both the Shona and English languages. Folk traditions have survived in dance and pottery. The revival of sculpture has drawn on tribal religion and totems to produce some remarkable works, particularly those of Takawira and the Tengenenge school of craftsmen who sculpt in hard serpentine. History This discussion mainly focuses on the history of Zimbabwe since the late 15th century. For treatment of earlier periods and of the country in its regional context, see Southern Africa. ![]() Portuguese exploration The Portuguese, who arrived on the east coast of Africa at the end of the 15th century, dreamed of opening up the interior and establishing a route to connect their eastern settlements with Angola in the west. The first European to enter Zimbabwe was probably António Fernandes (Fernandes, António), who tried to cross the continent and reached the neighbourhood of Que Que (now Kwekwe). Nearly 50 years later the Mwene Matapa (“emperor”), Negomo Chirisamhuru Mupunsagutu, was baptized by a Jesuit father, and in 1569 an abortive Portuguese military expedition entered the interior in search of gold. A second great movement of the Bantu peoples began in 1830, this time from the south. To escape from the power of the great Zulu chief Shaka, three important groups fled northward. One of them, the Ndebele, carved out a kingdom. The Ndebele were warriors and pastoralists, in the Zulu tradition, and under their formidable chief Mzilikazi they mastered and dispossessed the weaker tribes, known collectively as Shona (Mashona), who were sedentary, peaceful tillers of the land. For more than half a century, until the coming of European rule, the Ndebele continued to enslave and plunder the Shona. During this period, however, British and Afrikaner hunters, traders, and prospectors had begun to move up from the south, and with them came the missionaries. Robert Moffat (Moffat, Robert) visited Mzilikazi in 1857, and this meeting led to the establishment in 1861 of the first mission to the Ndebele by the London Missionary Society. The British South Africa Company ![]() In 1890 a pioneer column set out from Bechuanaland and reached the site of the future capital of Rhodesia without incident on September 12. There the new arrivals settled and began to lay claim to prospecting rights. The Ndebele resented this European invasion, and in 1893 they took up arms, being defeated only after months of strenuous fighting. Lobengula, Mzilikazi's son and successor, fled, and the company assumed administrative control of Matabeleland. In 1895 many of the pioneers were persuaded to take part in the Jameson Raid into the Transvaal and were captured and sent to England for trial. In the same year, the company-administered territories, which had previously been loosely known as Zambesia, were formally named Rhodesia by proclamation. In 1896 the Ndebele rose again. Returning from London, Rhodes met with the Ndebele chiefs and persuaded them to make peace. The Shona had at first accepted the Europeans, but they too became rebellious, and the whole country was not pacified until 1897. Economic and political development By 1892 about 1,500 settlers from the south had arrived in Rhodesia. The railway reached Bulawayo in 1896 and Victoria Falls in 1904. By the following year there were 12,500 settlers in the country, and in 1909 gold exports were worth more than £2,500,000. Agricultural development, however, was slower, and it was not until 1907 that steps were taken to facilitate the acquisition of land. By 1911 nearly £35,000 worth of tobacco was being exported annually, and the European population had risen to 23,600. From the earliest years, the settlers had demanded representation on the Legislative Council, which in 1903 comprised seven company officials and seven elected representatives of the settlers. In 1907 the settlers were given a majority of seats. In 1914, when the 25-year term of the company's charter was due to expire, the settlers, faced with the alternative of joining the Union of South Africa, asked for the continuation of the charter pending the grant of self-government. The British (British Empire) government therefore extended the charter for 10 years, with the proviso that self-government could be granted earlier if the settlers showed themselves capable of administering the country unaided. Self-government Immediately after World War I the pressure for self-government was resumed, and a royal commission was appointed to consider the future of the territory. As a result of the commission's report, a referendum of the electors among the 34,000 Europeans in the country was held in 1922; the choice was between entry into the Union of South Africa as its fifth province and full internal self-government. In spite of the offer of generous terms by the Union's prime minister, General Jan C. Smuts, a majority voted for self-government. On September 12, 1923, Southern Rhodesia was annexed to the crown and became a self-governing colony. The British government retained control of external affairs and a final veto in respect to legislation directly affecting Africans. The interwar period was one of material progress, with the development of a reasonably prosperous economy based on copper, gold, and other minerals, corn (maize), tobacco, and cattle. By 1953 Southern Rhodesia had a European population of 157,000 and an annual revenue of more than £28 million. The policy of Sir Godfrey Huggins (Malvern, Godfrey Huggins, 1st Viscount) (later Lord Malvern), who served as prime minister of Southern Rhodesia for 20 years, was to build a society in accord with Rhodes's dictum of “equal rights for all civilized men,” one in which merit and not colour should be the test of political and economic advancement. He believed that political power should not be given to the Africans until they were sufficiently experienced to know how to exercise it in cooperation with the Europeans and thus to maintain the economic development built up over the years. A second principle in which Lord Malvern and most other Europeans in Southern Rhodesia and Northern Rhodesia (later Zambia) profoundly believed was that the two countries should be joined together, both for their mutual economic benefit and to ensure the establishment of a powerful state based on British culture and traditions. Malvern failed to secure their amalgamation, but he supported the federation of Southern Rhodesia, Northern Rhodesia, and Nyasaland (Rhodesia and Nyasaland, Federation of) (later Malawi) when that solution was eventually accepted by the British in 1953. Federation In 1957 a new electoral law was passed providing for a common roll of voters (the “A” roll, composed only of whites) with a special roll for those with lower qualifications (the “B” roll, a tiny minority of the blacks). At the same time, there was growing political consciousness among the African population, together with increasing hostility to the idea of federation. Joshua Nkomo (Nkomo, Joshua) was one of the fiercest opponents of federation as the local leader of the African National Congress, and, when that organization was banned, he became president of the National Democratic Party in 1960. It, too, was soon banned, and he formed the Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU), which in turn was banned in 1962. In 1963 Robert Mugabe (Mugabe, Robert) broke with ZAPU to join the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) and thereby split African support along ethnic lines—Nkomo retained the Ndebele ethnic minority (mostly in the Matabeleland region), while Mugabe garnered the Shona ethnic majority. In June 1962 the UN General Assembly called for a more liberal constitution for the territory. The election of December 1962, during which the 1961 constitution came into force, was boycotted by the African nationalists. The ruling United Federal Party was defeated by the more conservative Rhodesian Front (RF), and Winston Field became prime minister. At the end of 1963 the federation was dissolved, and Southern Rhodesia reverted to its former status as colony. Rhodesia and the UDI The goal of the RF was Rhodesian independence under guaranteed minority rule. Field was replaced as prime minister in April 1964 by his deputy, Ian Smith (Smith, Ian). The RF swept all A-roll seats in the 1965 election, and Smith used this parliamentary strength to tighten controls on the political opposition. After several attempts to persuade Britain to grant independence, Smith's government announced the Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) on November 11, 1965. Britain declined to respond to the UDI with force, instead attempting economic tactics such as ending the link between sterling and the Rhodesian currency and seizing assets. Smith's government countered by defaulting on its (British-guaranteed) debts, leaving the British liable while at the same time balancing its budget. The United Nations Security Council imposed mandatory economic sanctions on Rhodesia in 1966, the first time that the UN had taken that action against a state. The sanctions were broadened in 1968 but still were only partly successful; some strategic minerals, especially chromium, were exported to willing buyers in Europe and North America, further strengthening the economy. Unsuccessful negotiations with Britain continued. A 1971 proposal to lessen restrictions on the opposition led to the creation of a third nationalist movement, the United African National Council (UANC), led by the Methodist bishop Abel Muzorewa (Muzorewa, Abel Tendekayi). Unlike ZAPU and ZANU—both banned and operating only from exile in Zambia and Mozambique, respectively—UANC was able to organize inside Rhodesia and held talks with the government during the 1970s. During the early 1970s ZAPU and ZANU had sporadically organized raids into Rhodesia, but in December 1972 the violence of the conflict intensified after a ZANU attack in the northeast. The Zambia-Rhodesia border was closed in 1973, but Mozambican independence in 1975 provided a valuable base of operations for ZANU, which had close links to the Frelimo government. The white Rhodesian government was thus under diplomatic, military, and, increasingly, economic pressure for a settlement. The 1976 rapprochement between Nkomo and Mugabe led to the formation of the Patriotic Front (PF), which received frontline support from Rhodesia's majority-ruled neighbours. The fighting escalated in both area and intensity, and the emergency measures adopted by the government to counter it also served to increase antigovernment feeling. By 1979 the combination of pressures had forced Smith to accept the necessity of an “internal settlement.” Independence A new government ![]() (Mugabe wrote an article for the 1982 Britannica Book of the Year 【events of 1981】 detailing the black majority's struggle for independence. See .) ![]() The economy continued to lag throughout the 1990s as inflation soared, and a high level of unemployment led to significant unrest. In 1998 Mugabe's intervention in the civil war in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (Kinshasa)—purportedly to protect his personal investments—resulted in suspension of international economic aid for Zimbabwe. This suspension of aid and the millions of dollars spent to intervene in the war further weakened Zimbabwe's already troubled economy. The issue of land reform and the rise of the Movement for Democratic Change Throughout the 1980s and '90s the government continued to struggle with the issue of land reform. Some 4,000 white farmers collectively controlled about one-third of Zimbabwe's arable land, and hundreds of white-owned farms were either officially redistributed by the government or partially taken over by squatters responding to government promises and the lack of police deterrence. Nevertheless, public support for the farmers and opposition to Mugabe's increasingly autocratic rule were evidenced by the defeat of a referendum in February 2000 calling for a new constitution that would have extended Mugabe's rule for two more six-year terms and given him the power to confiscate white-owned farms without compensation, as well as by the June elections, in which the opposition party Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), led by Morgan Tsvangirai (Tsvangirai, Morgan), won almost half of the parliamentary seats. Despite the apparent reprieve for white owners, a law was passed in 2002 that allowed Mugabe to pursue an aggressive program of confiscating their farms, forcing more than half of the country's white farmers to relinquish their property and rendering tens of thousands of black farmworkers homeless and unemployed. As was the case in the 1990s, property was often claimed by politically connected individuals with little or no farming experience rather than by the landless peasant farmers or war veterans who were supposed to benefit from the redistribution program. The government's lack of forethought in forcing out the white farmers and not replacing them with experienced farmworkers contributed to a significant decline in agricultural productivity; this, as well as drought, led to severe food shortages. Increasing discord ![]() The MDC began to experience internal dissent in late 2005 as some members became disenchanted with Tsvangirai's leadership, especially his decision to boycott elections for the newly reinstated Senate, and a faction of the MDC, led by Arthur Mutambara, a former student protest leader, professor, and consultant, broke away. Harassment of the opposition continued, and in March 2007 Tsvangirai and several other members of the MDC were viciously beaten; the Mugabe administration drew international criticism after images of the injured circulated throughout the world. Increasing pressure to resolve the conflict between the MDC and ZANU-PF led to mediation efforts by the SADC, facilitated by South African president Thabo Mbeki (Mbeki, Thabo), but talks broke off in early 2008 without reaching a resolution. Economic crisis Meanwhile, economic troubles continued as sanctions were imposed on Zimbabwe and loans and economic aid from many donors, including the International Monetary Fund, were limited or completely withdrawn for various reasons, most notably in protest of the government's land-seizure program and because the country had fallen behind on repayments of previous loans. Inflation was rampant: the official government estimate reached nearly 8,000 percent in September 2007 (other, nongovernment estimates were up to several times that figure) before the government's Central Statistic Office stated that they were unable to continue calculating inflation rates, because of a lack of data; the basic consumer goods needed for the calculations could no longer be found in shops throughout the country. In early 2008, after government calculations had resumed, the official estimate had risen to more than 100,000 percent; by the end of the summer, it had surpassed 10 million percent. Economic problems also included an extremely high rate of unemployment, estimated at some four-fifths of the population and among the highest in the world. Employment did not guarantee financial security though, as the wages earned by those who were employed were unable to keep pace with inflation. Many Zimbabweans left the country—often going to South Africa—to find work; many of those who remained relied on relatives abroad to send remittances. In the midst of the country's worsening economic situation was the debate on the root causes of it. Some—primarily supporters of the government—blamed what they deemed to be unfair economic sanctions, the failure of the British government to honour the terms of the 1979 Lancaster House agreement regarding the transfer of land to black ownership, and a Western plot to oust Mugabe from power. Others, especially critics of the government, blamed the land-seizure program and the economic mismanagement under the Mugabe administration. Both groups acknowledged that corruption also played a role. Regardless of the reasons for the economic troubles, many Zimbabweans were adversely affected, lacking basic commodities and suffering from food insecurity, fuel shortages, record-high rates of unemployment, and hyperinflation. 2008 elections and aftermath Through all of Zimbabwe's political and economic troubles, Mugabe retained the support of many African heads of state and remained popular within ZANU-PF. In December 2007 the party endorsed Mugabe as its presidential candidate in the 2008 elections. However, as the country continued its downward spiral in the months leading up to the elections, support for Mugabe appeared to waver: former finance minister and ZANU-PF stalwart Simba Makoni announced that he was running against Mugabe for the presidency, and the MDC, with Tsvangirai as its presidential candidate once again, saw its popularity increase throughout the country, even in areas that were typically ZANU-PF strongholds. As the elections drew near, both opposition candidates and their followers were subject to harassment and attacks by the police and ZANU-PF loyalists. Presidential, parliamentary, and local elections were held on March 29, 2008. Unofficial preliminary results indicated a favourable outcome for Tsvangirai and the MDC, but, as days passed with only a slow, partial release of parliamentary results (and the complete absence of presidential results), many feared that Mugabe and ZANU-PF were manipulating the outcome of the elections in their favour. The MDC released its own accounting of the presidential election results on April 2, which indicated that Tsvangirai had captured slightly more than half the votes; the MDC's claims were dismissed by ZANU-PF, and the country continued to wait for official results. Later that day, results indicated that Tsvangirai's faction of the MDC had won the most seats in the House of Assembly. Senate results announced several days later revealed a split between the MDC and ZANU-PF, with the latter receiving an only slightly larger share of the votes. The final results for the presidential contest were not officially released until May 2, when it was announced that Tsvangirai had garnered more votes (47.9 percent) than Mugabe (43.2 percent), but, since Tsvangirai had not secured a majority of the votes, a runoff election would be necessary, which was later scheduled for June 27. In the weeks leading up to the runoff election, MDC supporters were harassed and victimized by violent attacks, which the MDC asserted were sponsored by the ZANU-PF-led government; the government in turn claimed that the MDC was responsible for the violence. An increasingly tense climate was further heightened by several government actions, including the detention of Mutambara, Tsvangirai, and several other MDC officials and supporters, as well as several diplomats from the United Kingdom and the United States who were in the midst of investigating reports of preelection violence, the suspension of all humanitarian aid operations in the country, and statements from Mugabe implying that he would not cede power to the opposition if he lost the runoff election. As the politically motivated violence, intimidation, and rhetoric continued, on June 22 Tsvangirai announced that he was withdrawing from the election, citing the impossibility of it being free and fair in the country's current political climate. Nevertheless, the election was still held, and Mugabe was declared the winner despite assertions from independent observers that the election was neither free nor fair. The fact that the election was even held—as well as the outcome—prompted widespread international condemnation, most notably from some of the governments of African countries that had previously supported Mugabe, and there were calls for the MDC and ZANU-PF to form a power-sharing government. To that end, SADC-led talks, again facilitated by Mbeki, were held with ZANU-PF and the two factions of the MDC. Although the parties were able to reach a consensus regarding the Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) to direct the terms and scope of the discussion, an agreement regarding a new power-sharing government did not progress as quickly. Meanwhile, Mugabe announced that he intended to convene parliament on August 26, 2008; this announcement was met with protest from the MDC and others who complained that doing so before a power-sharing agreement was reached contradicted the terms of the MOU. Nonetheless, parliament was convened per Mugabe's directive. Notably, however, the House of Assembly speaker was elected from Tsvangirai's faction of the MDC—the first time since the country's independence in 1980 that the speaker position was held by an opposition party member. ![]() Ed. Robert Mugabe, the first prime minister of Zimbabwe, wrote an article for the 1982 Britannica Book of the Year (events of 1981) detailing the black majority's struggle for independence. See . Additional Reading Discussions of the country's geography, society, economy, and history are available in Harold D. Nelson, Zimbabwe, a Country Study, 2nd ed. (1983). Political economy is addressed by J.D.Y. Peel and T.O. Ranger (eds.), Past and Present in Zimbabwe (1983); Ibbo Mandaza (ed.), Zimbabwe: The Political Economy of Transition, 1980–1986 (1986); Ian Phimister, An Economic and Social History of Zimbabwe, 1890–1948: Capital Accumulation and Class Struggle (1987); and Christine Sylvester, Zimbabwe: The Terrain of Contradictory Development (1991).Robert Blake, A History of Rhodesia (1977), includes a commentary sympathetic to the white Rhodesian leaders. The early history of the country is detailed in D.N. Beach, The Shona & Zimbabwe, 900–1850: An Outline of Shona History (1980); S.I.G. Mudenge, A Political History of Munhumutapa, c. 1400–1902 (1988); Philip Mason, The Birth of a Dilemma: The Conquest and Settlement of Rhodesia (1958, reprinted 1982), the best account of the early days (up to 1918) of white settlement and race relations; T.O. Ranger, Revolt in Southern Rhodesia, 1896–97 (1967, reissued 1979), a full-length study, drawing from African sources, of the risings against white rule in 1896–97, with significance in terms of the modern liberation movement; Robin Palmer, Land and Racial Domination in Rhodesia (1977); Anthony Verrier, The Road to Zimbabwe, 1890–1980 (1986); T.O. Ranger, The African Voice in Southern Rhodesia, 1898–1930 (1970); and Charles Van Onselen, Chibaro: African Mine Labour in Southern Rhodesia, 1900–1933 (1976), a major pioneering study in social history. Lawrence Vambe, An Ill-Fated People: Zimbabwe Before and After Rhodes (1972), a family history portraying the humour and sadness of occupation, is continued by his From Rhodesia to Zimbabwe (1976), on the years from 1927 to the early 1960s. More recent history is studied by Nathan M. Shamuyarira, Crisis in Rhodesia (1965), a broad description of the racial disparities and political collisions that culminated in the Unilateral Declaration of Independence; Richard Hall, The High Price of Principles: Kaunda and the White South (1969); Martin Meredith, The Past Is Another Country: Rhodesia, UDI to Zimbabwe, rev. and extended ed. (1980), a detailed and objective account of political moves inside Rhodesia from 1965 to 1979; T.O. Ranger, Peasant Consciousness and Guerrilla War in Zimbabwe: A Comparative Study (1985); Norma J. Kriger, Zimbabwe's Guerrilla War: Peasant Voices (1992); David Martin and Phyllis Johnson, The Struggle for Zimbabwe: The Chimurenga War (1981), an authoritative account of the liberation movement; and W.H. Morris-Jones (ed.), From Rhodesia to Zimbabwe: Behind and Beyond Lancaster House (1980). Ed. |
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