in law, any of the material items or assertions of fact that may be submitted to a competent tribunal as a means of ascertaining the truth of any alleged matter of fact under investigation before it.

To the end that court decisions are to be based on truth founded on evidence, a primary duty of courts is to conduct proper proceedings so as to hear and consider evidence. The so-called law of evidence is made up largely of procedural regulations concerning the proof and presentation of facts, whether involving the testimony of witnesses, the presentation of documents or physical objects, or the assertion of a foreign law. The many rules of evidence that have evolved under different legal systems have, in the main, been founded on experience and shaped by varying legal requirements of what constitutes admissible and sufficient proof.

Although evidence, in this sense, has both legal and technical characteristics, judicial evidence has always been a human rather than a technical problem. During different periods and at different cultural stages, problems concerning evidence have been resolved by widely different methods. Since the means of acquiring evidence are clearly variable and delimited, they can result only in a degree of probability and not in an absolute truth in the philosophical sense. In common-law (common law) countries, civil cases require only preponderant probability and criminal cases, probability beyond reasonable doubt. In civil-law (civil law) countries so much probability is required that reasonable doubts are excluded.

Characteristic features of the law of evidence in earlier cultures were that no distinction was made between civil and criminal matters or between fact and law and that rational means of evidence were either unknown or little used. In general, the accused had to prove his innocence.

The appeal to supernatural (supernaturalism) powers was, of course, not evidence in the modern sense but an ordeal in which God was appealed to as the highest judge. The judges of the community determined what different kinds of ordeals were to be suffered, and frequently the ordeals involved threatening the accused with fire, a hot iron, or drowning. It may be that a certain awe associated with the two great elements of fire and water made them appear preeminently suitable for dangerous tests by which God himself was to pass on guilt or innocence. Trial by battle had much the same origin. To be sure, the powerful man relied on his strength, but it was also assumed that God would be on the side of right.

The accused free person could offer to exonerate himself by oath. Under these circumstances, in contrast to the ordeals, it was not expected that God would rule immediately but rather that he would punish the perjurer at a later time. Nevertheless, there was ordinarily enough realism so that the mere oath of the accused person alone was not allowed. Rather, he was ordered to swear with a number of compurgators (compurgation), or witnesses, who confirmed, so to speak, the oath of the person swearing. They stood as guarantees for his oath but never gave any testimony about the facts.

The significance of these first witnesses is seen in the use of the German word Zeuge, which now means “witness” but originally meant “drawn in.” The witnesses were, in fact, “drawn in” to perform a legal act as instrumental witnesses. But they gave only their opinions and consequently did not testify about facts with which they were acquainted. Nevertheless, together with community witnesses, they paved the way for the more rational use of evidence.

By the 13th century, ordeals were no longer used, though the custom of trial by battle lasted until the 14th and 15th centuries. The judicial machinery destroyed by dropping these sources of evidence could not be replaced by the oath of purgation alone. With the decline of chivalry, the flourishing of the towns, the further development of Christian theology, and the formation of states, both social and cultural conditions had changed. The law of evidence, along with much of the rest of the law of Europe, was influenced strongly by Roman-canonical law elaborated by jurists in northern Italian universities. Roman law introduced elements of common procedure that became known throughout the continental European countries and became something of a uniting bond between them.

Under the new influence, evidence was, first of all, evaluated on a hierarchical basis. This accorded well with the assumption of scholastic philosophy that all the possibilities of life could be formally ordered through a system of a priori, abstract regulations. Since the law was based on the concept of the inequality of persons, not all persons were suitable as witnesses, and only the testimony of two or more suitable witnesses could supply proof.

The formal theory of evidence that grew out of this hierarchical evaluation left no option for the judge: in effect, he was required to be convinced after the designated number of witnesses had testified concordantly. A distinction was made between complete, half, and lesser portions of evidence, evading the problem posed by such a rigid system of evaluation. Since interrogation of witnesses was secret, abuses occurred on another level. These abuses were nourished by the notion that the confession was the best kind of evidence and that reliable confessions could be obtained by means of torture.

Despite these obvious drawbacks and limitations, through the ecclesiastical courts Roman-canonical law gained influence. It contributed much to the elimination of nonrational evidence from the courts, even though, given the formality of its application, it could result only in formal truths often not corresponding to reality.

A comparison of the principles of evidence under different legal traditions can best be made by examining the rights and obligations of the plaintiff and the defendant in civil proceedings and of the prosecutor and the accused in criminal proceedings. The position of the judge is also crucial. Historically, two systems developed.

The first, which follows what may be called the inquisitorial (inquisitorial procedure) principle, had its origins in medieval Roman-canonical proceedings. It is distinguished by the active part played by the judge, who, by virtue of his office, himself searches for the facts, listens to witnesses and experts, examines documents, and orders the taking of evidence. In continental European countries and those other countries that derive their law from them, this system has generally been retained for criminal proceedings. The prosecutor and the accused, of course, give their recital of the facts and indicate their evidence for specific assertions. But, by virtue of his role in the case, the judge must make further investigations if he deems them necessary to obtain the truth. In some western European countries, there is a definite inclination toward employing this inquisitorial system in all legal proceedings that have, or could have, a substantial public legal impact—e.g., matrimonial, status, administrative, social, labour, and financial matters.

The second system, which employs what are usually called accusatorial or adversary (adversary procedure) principles, is used in the common-law countries for all civil and criminal cases. In this system, the parties and their attorneys are primarily responsible for finding and presenting evidence. The judge does not himself investigate the facts. Only if the efforts of the parties are incomplete must the judge make inquiries with regard to questions that have remained unanswered.

In civil matters, most continental European countries follow a mixed system of both inquisitorial and adversarial principles. In some of these countries, the judge can, for example, hear witnesses who have not been designated by the parties, and in all countries he can, by virtue of his office, hear the parties and experts and order documentary evidence or the actual inspection of evidence. In contrast to criminal cases, the continental European judge is always bound by the motions and assertions of the parties.

Under both systems of presenting and obtaining evidence, oral proceedings are generally accepted. The written proceedings favoured during the Middle Ages have been abolished, although the parties prepare their lawsuits through briefs, and parts of the preliminary proceedings can be handled in writing. The interrogation of witnesses, however, is oral. Most civil-law countries do not permit any exceptions, while other countries, such as Germany, permit written statements by witnesses in special cases and with the consent of the parties. In the common-law countries an exception is made to the principle of oral proceedings for certain types of affidavits, and, particularly in civil cases, the practice has steadily gained in importance.

Direct interrogation of witnesses by the deciding court is an aspect of the law of evidence closely connected with oral proceedings. Generally, in continental European countries, witnesses are interrogated by the judges who decide the verdict, but a number of countries have an investigation procedure according to which another judge, or only one member of the judging body, interrogates the witnesses. Under both the inquisitorial and the accusatorial systems, the principle of direct interrogation is of special importance in the free consideration of evidence. In the common-law countries the function performed by the judge in this regard is handled by attorneys for the prosecution or defense, with the judge's role restricted almost entirely to overseeing the questioning.

One major influence that has shaped the law of evidence has been the jury system. At least one writer has said that the law of evidence is the child of the jury. Oral proceedings, direct interrogation, and the public trial are much less problematic under the Anglo-American system than under the civil-law system to the extent that evidence is heard before the jury. But this system has spawned a large number of regulations for the admissibility of evidence in order to guarantee due process and fair procedure and to protect the jury from being misled. The initiative of the parties determines the handling of these regulations, for they must raise objections if, in their opinion, any of the numerous exclusionary rules is being violated. The judge then rules on the objection. By the complex working of this arrangement, the Anglo-American system has become more formalistic in many respects than the continental European system.

The burden of proof is a manifold and somewhat ambiguous concept in the law of evidence.

The burden of producing evidence means that in general the party that cites specific facts for the substantiation of its claim also has the burden of producing the evidence to prove these facts. This burden depends on the substantive law governing the claim. Permissible presumptions and legal rules can shift the burden in various situations.

The burden of conviction, on the other hand, comes into play at the end of the hearing of evidence, if doubts remain. This is simply to recognize that the evidence is not sufficient to convince the jury or the judge and that, in general, the party having the burden of pleading and producing facts favourable to itself and of giving evidence also carries the so-called burden of conviction.

Whereas in civil proceedings it is generally the plaintiff who has the burden of proof for facts supporting a claim, unless this burden has been shifted to the defendant through rules or presumptions, in criminal proceedings it is the prosecution that bears the burden of proof for all relevant facts. What this means is that the defendant cannot be found guilty as long as proof has not been supplied or as long as doubts still remain. In continental European law, no distinction is made between civil and criminal cases with regard to the standard of proof. In both, such a high degree of probability is required that, to the degree that this is possible in the ordinary experience of life itself, doubts are excluded and probability approaches certitude. In the common-law countries the degree of probability required in civil cases is lower than that called for in criminal matters.

In civil proceedings in the common-law countries, evidence is both ascertained and simultaneously restricted by the assertions of the parties. If the allegations of one party are not disputed or contested by the other, or if the allegations are even admitted, then no proof is required. Proof would, in fact, be irrelevant. Evidence offered to prove assertions that are neither at issue nor probative of the matter at issue would also be irrelevant. The only evidence that is, therefore, relevant, is evidence that to some degree advances the inquiry and has a probative value for the decision. While continental European judges, in ordering the hearing of evidence or in deciding on evidence, indicate the facts to be proved and thereby strictly eliminate irrelevant facts, Anglo-American judges first give the parties an opportunity to furnish any evidence that they deem suitable. If, during the hearing of witnesses, irrelevant questions are put, they are rejected after the adversary has objected to them.

It has been said that relevance depends on logical considerations and that admissibility depends on the law. In contrast to civil law, the common law has developed a large number of rules governing the admissibility of evidence. Relevant evidence is not admissible, for example, if the witnesses are excluded from testifying because of incompetency, or if they are protected by privileges against self-incrimination, or in instances in which they would have to divulge confidential or professional communications that have a privileged status or government secrets, or, again, when the evidence is excluded by the rules against hearsay (see below Sources of proof: Witnesses (evidence)).

In criminal cases in civil-law countries, relevance relates to such questions that are so far removed from the case that they have no evidence value at all. Admissions and confessions do not exclude further evidence. According to Anglo-American law, the accused may be a competent witness under the admissibility rules, but, in contrast to an ordinary witness, he has the privilege of not taking the witness stand. According to continental European law, the accused is neither a party nor a witness. He can be heard, but he cannot be forced to answer questions of fact. In general, Anglo-American rules of admissibility apply to criminal proceedings much as they apply to civil cases.

Freedom to evaluate all the evidence produced was established in Roman law but fell into disuse as a principle during the time of the formalistic Roman-canonical law of evidence that characterized the Middle Ages. Remnants of the medieval formal theory of evidence survive in various countries.

In countries where remnants of the medieval formal theory of evidence are still preserved, the principle of free evaluation of the evidence by the judge generally dates from the French Revolution. The French introduced the concept of the judge's conviction intime (inner, deep-seated conviction) in contrast to rules of formal evidence that prescribed exactly when the evidence amounted to proof. The primacy this gave to the personal conviction of the judge meant that it was not even necessary to state the reasons for the inner conviction. This total dependence on the judge's discretion aroused a great deal of criticism, and, as a result, various judicial codes prescribed that, in giving the grounds on which judgment was based, the judge had to specify in writing why he was convinced in each case. Conviction intime in its original sense is limited to the testimony of witnesses and experts and to the explanations of the parties. Both kinds of formal oaths made by parties to a case, the supplementary oath and the tendered oath, are still valid in civil-law countries, and both may lead to formal solutions, since the judge must follow the legal consequences of the oath. But these survivals of medieval formal evidence theory have been weakened. In France, for example, the judge's latitude under the principle of conviction intime has been extended to allow him to pass on the affirmation oath of the party, which formerly had to be given a certain value, regardless of his opinion of its worth. In other states, such as Austria, Germany, and the Scandinavian countries, the formal oath of the parties was abolished and replaced by the free depositions of the parties. Even if the parties take an oath on their testimonies during this process, the judge is not bound by it but may still make his own evaluation of the evidence. In addition, some remnants of the formal evidence theory have been preserved with regard to documentary proof where rules of procedure contain presumptions as to the conclusiveness of certain documents. Since reliance on documentary evidence prevails in some countries, these formal evidence rules are still of special importance.

In Anglo-American law the problem of free evaluation of evidence can be understood through the institution of the jury. Obviously, the evidence must be convincing to the common sense of the jury members, who form their judgment on the basis of free conviction. The function of the jury, however, is to decide questions of fact rather than questions of law, which are left to the judge. The jury's verdict can be overturned by the judge if it is inconsistent with the evidence or with his instructions as to the law governing the case. The judge's relationship to the jury therefore plays a role in the decisions, and there are difficult questions in which it is unclear whether the jury or the judge should consider the evidence. Some formal rules of evidence survive in Anglo-American law. In some cases evidence must be corroborated before it can constitute proof. In homicide cases, for example, a confession must be supported by additional evidence. In addition, evidence by witnesses is sometimes excluded by rules of admissibility.

According to Anglo-American law, the classic means of proof are witnesses, documents, and real evidence (derived from the actual inspection of objects). As a result of historical development, the status of witness was accorded to experts and to the parties in a civil lawsuit, and even to the accused in criminal proceedings. The development of continental European law has taken a different course. Parties cannot be witnesses, and evidence by experts is subject to special procedural rules. Consequently, there are essentially five separate sources of evidence: witnesses, parties, experts, documents, and real evidence.

The oral testimony of witnesses competes in a sense with documentary evidence to the extent that one may exclude or supplement the other. Under Anglo-American law, almost anyone can be a witness, including the parties and experts; even insane persons, children, and convicted felons may testify. Grounds once used for excluding such persons as witnesses are now used only to impeach their credibility. Continental European countries, as has been said, do not treat either the parties or experts as competent witnesses, and they are still suspicious of interested witnesses. Some of them, influenced by the Roman-based school, deny, on the whole, the capacity of those persons having a certain degree of relationship to the parties. Some consider insane persons incompetent to testify, others grant them the competency but exclude their testimony on the grounds of credibility. The capacity to be a witness does not depend on whether or not the person can testify about questions relevant to the specific case. In general, the tendency has been to utilize all persons who can testify about facts that will help to establish the truth. Competency as a witness has therefore been extended to as many persons as possible. On the other hand, many persons are protected by law from being forced to testify. This type of protection derives either from privilege, or from the right to refuse to give evidence, either case distinguishable from incapacity to testify. Whereas privilege or the right to refuse to give evidence may be either requested or waived, incapacity to testify takes effect automatically; i.e., it must always be officially considered by the court.

Privileges under Anglo-American law must be distinguished from the right to refuse to give evidence under particular circumstances as it exists in continental European practice. The latter is granted to witnesses for either personal or objective reasons. The personal reasons are the same as those that result in incapacity to testify—i.e., relationship, affinity, and marriage. The objective reasons concern persons who, as a result of their profession (for example, clergymen, physicians, attorneys, journalists), have been put in possession of confidential facts. Such confidants have a limited right to refuse to give evidence so long as the person protected does not give his consent (the German solution). In some cases they are not admitted as witnesses without the consent of the protected person (the Swedish (Sweden) solution). Thus the Swedish judge officially decides whether the protected person has given his consent, whereas the German judge leaves the decision whether to testify up to the confidant. In addition, witnesses might refuse to testify if their testimony were to cause direct financial damage to themselves or to their families, or if it were to publicly disgrace them or expose them to criminal prosecution. All persons may make their own decision to testify, but judges are obliged to inform them about their specific rights in the matter. These procedural regulations have developed in order to avoid the situation in which the person protected becomes caught in a conflict between the truth and his personal interests. The interests of the protected person—perhaps partly out of realism—are thus given a higher value than the search for the facts.

The Anglo-American privileges differ from the continental European right to refuse to testify insofar as privileged persons cannot decide whether or not they wish to testify. They may only cite their privileges, and the judge decides if they must testify. Under a system that stresses the free evaluation of evidence, the obligation to testify is subject to only a very few exceptions.

The privilege against incriminating oneself (self-incrimination) has a twofold nature in Anglo-American law because, in civil proceedings, parties may appear as witnesses and, in criminal proceedings, the accused may appear as a witness. The privilege of an ordinary witness is considerably limited. He must submit to being designated and sworn in as a witness in all instances and must answer all questions except those that are self-incriminating. Consequently, either he or his attorney must sift out the incriminating questions that will evoke the privilege. This is not always easy, particularly since it is only the witness, and not the party or the party's attorney, who may cite the protecting privilege. Critics have called this privilege a sentimental institution, but it is worth noting, in this regard, that the privilege against self-incrimination is included in the U.S. Bill of Rights.

It has already been pointed out that in the common-law system, the accused in a criminal trial no longer lacks competence as a witness but may exercise the privilege of refusing to be called or sworn as a witness. Unlike ordinary witnesses, he may invoke this privilege with considerable latitude, but once he does decide to step into the witness box, he renounces his privilege and may be interrogated as if he were an ordinary witness. The question then arises whether the waiving of the privilege against self-incrimination is limited to testimony concerning crimes of which he presently stands accused, or whether he must answer all questions regarding criminal acts. It appears to have become fairly well established that the prosecutor can, in fact, interrogate the defendant about previous criminal offenses. In civil cases the parties have the same privilege for protection from self-incrimination as other witnesses; i.e., they need not answer incriminating questions.

Privileges deriving from personal and professional relationships are generally not granted on principle, though historically a privilege for the protection of marital (marriage) communications has developed. In England an 1853 law decreed that a husband could not be forced to testify concerning information that his wife may have given him during the course of the marriage. This, naturally, also applies to the wife. In the United States the courts contended that laws concerning testimony on matrimonial communications contained only a statement of the common law. Only the beneficiary of the privilege may cite it, and it is not applicable where criminal offenses by one spouse against the other or against the children are concerned or in the case of a divorce proceeding.

Attorneys are considered to be under an obligation to refuse to testify about confidential communications with their clients. The privilege, however, protects the client, not the attorney, and, therefore, the client may waive it. This privilege applies principally to the adversary system, in which, so to speak, the attorney is the client's champion.

Clergymen (clergy) are likewise under obligation to refuse to answer questions concerning information given them in the secrecy of the confessional by believers. Again, the privilege protects the believer. This custom has been sanctioned by legislation in many U.S. states. In England, however, there is no common-law rule for this privilege.

Physicians, as a rule, must answer all questions since there is no common-law privilege regarding confidential information furnished by the patient. In some U.S. states an appropriate privilege has been created by legislation; again, it is the patient who is protected, and only he may waive the privilege.

Journalists (journalism), like physicians, occupy a position that is not entirely clear. In some jurisdictions they may refuse to testify about their sources of information, and in a number of U.S. states such a privilege has been specifically created by statute. In other U.S. states and in England the question does not yet seem to have been settled.

The oath, perhaps the oldest means for encouraging truthful testimony, forms a link between court proceedings and religious belief since, in its usual form, witnesses swear by Almighty God that they are speaking the truth. Though the effectiveness of such an act has certainly diminished in secular societies, this appeal to God has for centuries been considered the surest means of obtaining truth. There are two kinds of oaths, the preliminary and the subsequent. In Anglo-American practice the witness is sworn in before testimony. Under German and other continental procedures, the swearing-in may occur after testimony as well. The latter method allows the judge to use his own discretion in individual cases as to whether or not the witness should be ordered to swear. In current German practice, very few witnesses are sworn in for testimony in civil proceedings, whereas in criminal proceedings all witnesses have to swear. Some continental European countries allow witnesses who object to oaths to substitute a solemn affirmation, and Denmark has abolished all oaths in legal procedures. The oath of a witness does not have the formal effect of binding the judge or the jury. They must evaluate it and the testimony freely.

Judges and attorneys in common-law courts regard the opportunity to cross-examine as a guarantee of the reliability and completeness of testimony by a witness. Under the perfect operation of the adversary system it is not the judge but rather the parties or their attorneys who interrogate the witnesses. The plaintiff's attorney begins the “examination in chief,” which is subject to a number of restrictions. Leading, misleading, and argumentative questions, for example, are not permitted. After the plaintiff's attorney concludes his interrogation, the defendant's attorney may cross-examine the same witness. This cross-examination generally consists of leading questions posed with the intent of weakening or invalidating the impression created by the direct testimony of the witness. The cross-examination must ordinarily be limited to subjects covered during direct interrogation. There is a recognizable tendency, however, for cross-examination to become as open-ended as possible. The plaintiff's attorney has the option, finally, to reestablish the credibility of his witness by reexamination. These interrogations are formally regulated and require a great deal of skill and experience on the part of the attorneys. Such formal questioning of the witness is unknown to the continental European rules of procedure, even though cross-examination is common. Continental rules of procedure require the judge to interrogate the witness first. Frequently, the witness begins with a free narration. Then, after the judge has finished his interrogation, the attorneys of both parties may question the witness. All this is done in an informal manner, and almost any question is permitted. In some countries the interrogation of witnesses is, however, rather formalistic because it is generally limited to questions concerning allegations specified in the evidence judgment. But here too, there is a tendency for the court to allow questions at its discretion.

Scientific examinations of witnesses are especially common in paternity and status proceedings with regard to blood-typing. These methods have now been so much improved that the suspicion of paternity may be definitely dismissed in many cases. In Germany and elsewhere, opinions based on biologic and hereditary evidence are used for these same purposes. The use of fingerprint and ballistics evidence, among other types, has become quite customary in criminal cases. In the United States, there are varying opinions about the admissibility of lie-detector (lie detector) tests as evidence. The results of such tests are not yet admissible in the continental European countries.

Hearsay is testimony based on what a witness has heard others say. The hearsay rule limiting this type of testimony is perhaps the most characteristic feature of the Anglo-American law of evidence. It has also been said that, next to trial by jury, the hearsay rule constitutes the most important and original contribution of this system's practice.

Notwithstanding the obvious dangers involved in its use, free evaluation of the evidence furnished by hearsay testimony continues to be characteristic of continental European law. This somewhat surprising fact may be explained by reference to the historical development already traced here. Until the 19th century the medieval theory of formal evidence strictly prescribed when the judge had to be convinced by the testimony of a witness. Moreover, there was no jury in the continental countries to be protected by rules of evidence and therefore no need to introduce rules of hearsay. When the formal evidence theory was replaced by the requirement that the judge freely consider the evidence, his discretion naturally extended to hearsay testimony.

The creation of a body of rules for the exclusion of hearsay evidence was motivated by the arguments that such testimony could tend to mislead the jury, that the hearsay observer, unlike the legal witness, was not under solemn oath and was inaccessible to cross-examination, that such testimony furnished third-hand evidence, and that it violated the best evidence rule (the rule that the best version possible of a written document be submitted as evidence).

Over the years, exceptions to the prohibition of hearsay testimony had to be permitted, however, and these have become so numerous that the opinion has sometimes been expressed that no exhaustive list of such exceptions could even be compiled. The judge must decide in each case whether testimony based upon hearsay is admissible under an exception to the rule—a further indication that regulations governing the admissibility of evidence are far more important in Anglo-American law than in continental law. The most commonly cited exceptions to the rule of hearsay relate to statements made by dead or absent persons, statements in public documents, and to confessions (confession) and admissions by parties.

Confessions, as a source of evidence, are distinguished from admissions. Whereas a confession is a complete acknowledgement of guilt in criminal proceedings, an admission is a statement of fact in either a civil or a criminal case. In former times, the confession was considered the ultimate form of evidence. As soon as the accused confessed—often under duress—no further proof was required. In time, involuntary confession came to be rejected as evidence under English law, and the burden of proving that a confession was voluntary lay with the prosecutor. In the United States the federal rule that confessions are inadmissible if obtained while the defendant was unlawfully detained has not gone quite so far, though the law is still in a state of considerable flux. Involuntary confessions, however, are not admissible for any purpose under Anglo-American law. In continental European law, on the other hand, confessions of the accused are always freely considered by the judge.

Differences between criminal and civil proceedings regarding admissions result mainly from the adversary principle governing civil proceedings. In Anglo-American procedure, if one party in a civil suit admits facts contrary to his interest, such an admission is conclusive and obviates the need for further evidence on the point. The same result follows in German or Swedish (Sweden) courts. Under the Roman-based laws of such countries as France, Italy, and Spain, an admission made before the court is a form of evidence that leads to conclusive proof binding upon the court. But admissions made out of court are subject to free evaluation by the judge and do not exclude further evidence.

Oral testimony by the parties in civil proceedings was introduced in Austria in 1895. Norway followed suit in 1915, Denmark in 1919, Germany in 1933, and Sweden in 1948. Party testimony is generally heard in the same way as the evidence of witnesses, but there are some essential differences. In some countries, the interrogation of parties is a subsidiary source of evidence to be used only when all other means have been exhausted; in others (e.g., Norway, Sweden, Austria, Brazil), parties are heard before witnesses. In some countries, both parties must be heard; in others, only one party may be heard upon motion of the opponent. The judge decides whether the parties are to be heard; this contrasts with the procedure with witnesses, who are heard only after having been nominated by the parties.

In most cases, the parties do not have to confirm their testimony by oath, but the court may decree that one of the parties must swear. In Swedish law, for example, the parties must solemnly declare that they have told the truth.

Expert witnesses must have specialized knowledge, skill, or experience in the area of their testimony. For the most part, they do not testify concerning facts but draw inferences from them. With a few exceptions, they are treated in Anglo-American law as ordinary witnesses and are brought before the court by the parties in the same manner as other witnesses. Although ordinary witnesses are generally allowed to testify only concerning facts and not to express opinions, an exception to this rule is made for the expert, who must, of course, be allowed to give his opinion.

Generally speaking, anyone with special knowledge may be an expert in his respective field. In Anglo-American law, the expert is designated by the party, while in continental European law the court decides who may be an expert, generally selecting from a list on file in the court so as to guarantee that the experts designated are impartial. Experts may not, therefore, be cited by the parties.

The oral interrogation of experts is customary in Anglo-American law and proceeds, with a few exceptions, under the same rules for the interrogation of ordinary witnesses.

Under continental rules of procedure, on the other hand, expert opinions are generally given in written form. Experts are allowed a rather wide scope of discretion, especially when the opinion involves scientific findings that often cannot be checked by the judge. But under some continental European rules, the parties or their attorneys may request that the experts testify before the court to defend their written opinion and tell how they arrived at it.

Documentary evidence is in many respects considered better than the evidence furnished by witnesses, about which there has always been a certain amount of suspicion. Documentary evidence differs considerably from the evidence of witnesses and is dealt with under special rules.

Criteria for establishing the authenticity of documents are only important if authenticity is contested. This is often impossible, however, if a presumption favouring the authenticity of a public document exists—which it frequently does under continental European law. Under Anglo-American law, a party may serve the adversary with a written request to corroborate the authenticity of any relevant document. Direct evidence of authenticity may be gotten through the testimony of persons who signed the original documents. This is often impossible, however, and in this case circumstantial evidence is permitted. In some civil-law countries, documents are proved genuine by special proceedings. In other continental European countries, a document may be proved genuine by any type of evidence.

The obligation to present documents in the Anglo-American system derives from the best evidence rule. If the original document is in the hands of a third person or the opponent, the party that must supply proof can ask the court for a writ of sub poena duces tecum compelling the third party to produce the document in court. If the original is not produced after this, second-hand evidence of its existence is then permitted. In continental law, there is no similar obligation to produce documents. The adversary (adversary procedure) or third persons can only be ordered to do so if there is a positive obligation under the substantive law. Among European countries, only Sweden has developed any extensive obligation for the parties to produce documents.

Extrinsic proof of the contents of documents in Anglo-American law is admitted only in special cases, since oral evidence is inadmissable to vary, contradict, or add to the terms of a written agreement—a rule that makes many documents conclusive as evidence. The method of Anglo-American law in this particular area is consequently negative, since evidence outside the content of the document is in principle not admissible. Continental law follows the medieval method, by attributing a certain value as evidence to particular documents, which is binding on the judge.

The consideration of documentary evidence by the judge therefore tends to be restricted, since the document itself furnishes conclusive proof if evidence by reference to facts outside the document is inadmissible. In most continental laws, judges are bound by presumptions in this respect, and only in Swedish (Sweden) law are there no provisions restricting free judicial consideration of documentary evidence.

The remaining form of evidence is so-called real evidence, also known as demonstrative or objective evidence. This is naturally the most direct evidence, since the objects in question are inspected by the judge or jury themselves. Problems arise in this area over who is obliged to present objects for inspection or to actually undergo inspection. The use of the jury system in Anglo-American law has made it necessary that any real evidence be shown to be both relevant and completely genuine before it may be admitted as proof. The exhibit of real evidence may sometimes be directly connected with the case (for example, when a weapon is shown to the court), or it may involve something used to illustrate testimony, as, for example, a model or skeleton to clarify testimony about an injury. In any case, real evidence may not be accepted as legal proof unless it is authenticated by the testimony of witnesses.